β. at the beginning, in: riwu ‘thousand’, Malay ribu, Old Javanese iwu
robu ‘bamboo sprout as vegetable’, Padoe rowu, Malay rĕbung, Javanese ĕbung terowa Upper Mori ‘fallen over’, Malay rĕbah
rawu Padoe, Karunsi’e, Tinompo ‘white vapor, mist’, Malay rabun, Bisaya gabun Upper Mori has gawu in the same meaning, while in Tinompo megawu-gawu also megawu is used in the sense of
‘not clearly visible’ e.g. because of haziness or distance.
102
For this the Karunsi’e use back again merawu-rawu.
103
The form morawu is also very usual in Tinompo, where it means ‘hard of seeing, nearly blind’, also ‘entirely blind’. The word thus originally referred to the unclarity, haziness of the optical images of someone
who sees poorly, and is a variant of gawu. Concerning ngkiniwia ‘evening’, see § 51.
94. Examples of g as reflex are:
gawu, see § 93β pagi ‘ray’, Malay pari, Tagalog, Pamona pagi
tegoo ‘have an eructation, belch’, Sundanese törab, Tagalog tigab, Sangirese dahukang, Bantik tigada’ The g has intensified into k in okuu ‘a tree, C
ASUARINA
spp.’, Pamona oguu, Malay ĕru. Concerning ngkiniwia, see
§ 51.
95. An example of h as a reflex of the R-G-H sound could be the stem taha ‘give form’ through cutting, etc.,
compare Pamona ta’a
1
Adriani 1928:s.v., though not mentioned by Dempwolff 1924–1925 in his list of stems. A reflex h possibly occurs in tamahi, synonym of ramai ‘come here’, see § 92
α; mahi would then be a variant of mai, and thus stand between Pamona ma’i and Mori mai § 77. However, the h of tamahi could also be
explained as the displaced final consonant of the root tah § 193, which presumably constitutes the first syllable of tamahi; see § 186.
In Watu ihawi ‘yesterday’, Philippine languages gabi, Sangirese h ĕbi ‘night’ compare § 51, the origin of the h
is not entirely certain. Upper Mori has hiewi, of which the e could be explained from contraction of i y and a § 104, so that also here y would be the reflex of the R-G-H sound. The h could then be explained as standing for
the glottal stop or of the glide sound in i ewi or for the y in iyawi, and from ihewi thence hiewi see §§ 77 and 33. The Tinompo form indiawi ‘yesterday’ gives weight to this interpretation, because a y-glide is heard between
the i and the a, which y could reflect the typical sound of the R-G-H law. To construct a stem awi from indiawi, in which thus the typical sound was elided, seems incorrect to me. Naturally one could
[p. 64] also adopt that hiewi
goes back to iewi, compare the third person singular pronouns hoio and oio mentioned in § 77. The possibility that h counts as a reflex of the R-G-H law is thus not great.
96. Glottal stop occurs compare § 79 in:
102
[footnote 3, p. 63] Padoe on the other hand has gawu-gawu, used of a chicken which is colored white and gray. The question remains, however, whether this is the same word.
103
[footnote 3, p. 63] The Karunsi’e form with r could very well be borrowed from Padoe. Compare also Brandes 1884:106.
mo’o’owi Impo, Molongkuni ‘brood’, Molio’a moo’owi, Padoe umo’owi, Malay ĕram, Ibatan ageb, Pamona o’o compare also § 80
wo’u Upper Mori ‘new’, Malay baru For wo’u Tinompo has wo’ohu, which could very well stand for wo’o’u.
104
At any rate, next to wo’ohu occurs the doublet mbo’u ‘also, again’, compare Pamona wo’u ‘also’, da wo’u ‘still new’.
97. A reflex l may occur in the following. That the examples given here are very doubtful scarcely requires
mentioning. medulu ‘help each other with agricultural work’, in Padoe ‘do or have something together’, Pamona juyu
‘posses or perform jointly’, Toba Batak urup, Ngaju Dayak dohop botoli, numeral classifier for longish-round objects, bobotoli ‘round’ see § 118, provided at any rate that
it is cognate with Malay, Batak bulir, Tagalog botil, etc., which have i in the last syllable
98. One can adopt that the oldest reflex of the R-G-H sound in Mori is r for the present leaving out of
