Prenasalization with intensive force in words denoting sounds and motions is extremely common in

24. Prenasalization with intensive force in words denoting sounds and motions is extremely common in

Pamona. Insofar as I know, in Mori this phenomenon is not usual; 26 it is in fact a striking difference between Pamona and Mori that the latter seldom or never makes use of ‘interjections’, consisting of often prenasalized onomatopoetic and motion words, of the same nature as the ‘verbal [p. 21] interjections’ of Sundanese, which in Pamona impart such a peculiar character to the style. Indeed there often occurs nasal or prenasalized sounds in onomatopoetic and motion words words which reflect an emphasis on sight or hearing, but when it cannot be demonstrated that such forms have originated through prenasalization of other stems, one has no basis to consider them ‘intensive forms’. The above-stated also applies to onomatopoetic and motion words which are substantives see for example §§ 54 and 62. In some animal names, however, the prenasalized form is to be explained as a vocative compare § 54. 27 25. Prenasalization plays an important role in compounding, where in various cases it constitutes the cement, as it were, which binds together the elements which constitute the compound. 28 Concerning this subject, see Chapter 3, where it is also argued that the prenasalization occurring in adverbs has the same origin. 26. Just as in so many other languages of the Celebes, so also in Mori prenasalization brings on voicing. Examples are mentioned under “Sound Change” § 34 ff.. In Upper Mori and thus also in poetry this phenomenon plays a much greater role than in Tinompo, see J. Kruyt 1924:174 ff., 209–210, also Adriani 1900:289–290. This inclination appears to be strongest in Padoe, compare Padoe ehendamahi ‘from above in a hither direction’ with Tambee and Molongkuni ehentamahi; Padoe ehembano ‘in yonder direction’ with Tambee and Molongkuni ehempano; Padoe mombo’etu-’etu ‘by hundreds’ with Tambee mompa’etu-’etu, etc. 29 27. When in intensive forms the prenasalized consonant following the nasal fades away, thus leaving only the nasal, one need not consider an extra-intensive meaning in such a form, but only sound weakening. For that matter, the same phenomenon also occurs in other cases, where no intensive form can be spoken of mostly it is a voiced consonant which elides, e.g.  tamungku ‘mountain’, from tambungku, Pamona id. next to tabungku, stem bungku ‘back’, compare Loinan bungkut ‘mountain’  moro ‘perhaps’, from mboro see § 58 Such elision is not so frequent in Tinompo as it is in the dialects. Thus the word indi’upua which in Tinompo means ‘day before yesterday’ or ‘formerly’, in Watu and in Upper Mori dialects is pronounced inipua, and in [p. 22] Molongkuni nepua; Tinompo indi’ipia ‘when?’ namely in past time runs in Watu inipia, in Impo, Tambee and Molio’a inipie, and in Molongkuni nepie; the Padoe and others say onalo for Tinompo ondalo ‘deep’; the Padoe have olimama ‘butterfly’ where Napu and Parigi have kalibamba formed from reduplication of the root bang ‘fly’, compare Malay t ĕrbang; the word for ‘wall’ in Watu is rini, Pamona rindi Tinompo rere; Padoe and Karunsi’e maninti ‘pulled tight’ stands next to Tambee matinti in Tinompo and elsewhere madindi; Impo and Molongkuni pelemuni ‘come at the rear’ appears to have the same stem as Tinompo lembui ‘id.’; etc. 26 [footnote 1, p. 20] It is, however, not entirely absent, e.g. ngasa ‘pant, gasp’, Malay k ĕsah. See also the prefixes mpa- and ngka- respectively §§ 307 and 347. 27 [footnote 1, p. 21] See Adriani 1931:42 ff.. Similarly in Pamona prenasalized or voiced forms of kinship terms occur as terms of address. Here one has to consider mitigating out of politeness, “because it is actually not polite to call one’s superiors”. It is not impossible that the same inclination has motivated the loss of p from ue see § 55. 28 [footnote 2, p. 21] Hereby nothing is said concerning the origin of the prenasalization in the various cases. Nevertheless it seems to me that IN GENERAL this should well be sought in the requirement to more closely meld together the elements which constitute a compound. For this purpose prenasalization is the designated means, because it belongs just as much to the word which follows as to the preceding word, the latter of which has lost its final syllable. 29 [footnote 3, p. 21] Tolaki and Mekongga exhibit the same inclination in much stronger measure Adriani Kruyt 1914:222–223, 237. Compare § 7. Surely the most important group of forms which exhibit this phenomenon, however, is a number of intensive verbs and adjectives. The following verbs with prefix mo- are known to me a few very questionable cases have been omitted:  monako ‘steal’, stem tako, Pamona id.  momeka ‘fish, angle’, stem peka, Pamona id.  momali ‘keep a prohibition, mourn’, stem pali, Malayo-Polynesian  momone Upper Mori ‘climb in trees’, stem pone, Pamona id.  momau Upper Mori and Watu ‘lash roofing material’, stem pau, compare paura ‘the bamboo slat on which leaves are lashed in order to make thatch roofing’  monisi ‘seek lice by touch’ either on oneself or another, stem sisi, Bugis, Makasarese sisi’, Malay sĕlisik.  monasa ‘fetch sago leaves in order to make roofing thatch’, stem sasa, Tagalog sasá, Sangirese, Tontemboan s ĕsa ‘nipa’  momolu ‘stretch oneself’, stem wolu, Pamona woyu ‘bend, sag’; compare Mori mowolu ‘bend straight’  monga’e ‘headhunt’, which is probably a doublet of ka’e, from kabe ‘draw close to oneself’, compare Bada manga’e, alternate term for ‘harvest’, and Pamona menggae ‘harvest’ harvesting is equated with headhunting, see Adriani Kruyt 1914:539, 543. One could also consider here Malay, Ngaju Dayak kayau, Tagalog ngayaw, Sa’dan Toraja ngaung.  momuti-muti ‘move the lips, as if one is whispering’, which PERHAPS is cognate with Pamona wuti ‘joke, jest’  momori Padoe ‘stamp field rice with the feet, in order to get seeds for sowing’, which perhaps is derived from a stem bori; compare Pamona bori ‘crack, split’ in skin or rind  mompomule with prefix po- ‘render powerless, cancel’ of harmful magic or evil words, Mori pule ‘return, repay help’, compare also Pamona pule ‘turn, wring’ Just as in Pamona, these forms in Mori as a rule are only intransitive. Other intensive forms which exhibit the mentioned phenomenon are:  monipi ‘thin’, Malay tipis and nipis  ngasa ‘pant’, Malay, Karo Batak kĕsah  mengere Molongkuni, the same as Tinompo menggere ‘growl’ of a dog. The stem may be kere, which in Pamona denotes a cracking or crunching sound in Mori kere denotes a weak, rustling sound. [p. 23]  mangodi ‘forest gnome’, synonym of rani, is either to be derived from kodi, which in Pamona means ‘small’ compare Watu nggodi ‘pig’, or else is a deformation of mangobi as the form runs in Pamona, which derives from the stem kobi or gobi Adriani 1928:s.v.  mamenga ‘romp’, compare Pamona momenga ‘open the beak or muzzle wide but not bite’, in the Lewonu dialect of Pamona ‘laugh’, stem benga, compare Mori mobenga ‘open’ of the mouth 28. Finally one phenomenon must still be mentioned, which is of great importance to Mori grammar, namely THE OMISSION OR NON - OCCURRENCE OF PRENASALIZATION UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF A PRENASALIZED SOUND WHICH OCCURS ELSEWHERE IN THE WORD , in Mori especially ngk, nt, mp and ns seldom a prenasalized voiced consonant. This phenomenon is found in Napu, where the first person possessive pronouns, respectively singular, plural inclusive and plural exclusive run -ngku, -nta and -ngki, but -ku, -ta and -ki whenever they are attached to a word which contains a prenasalized consonant, e.g. anangku ‘my child’, versus bondeku ‘my rice field’, nenteta ‘our bridge’, songkoki ‘our heads’, etc. Ten Kate 1915:74–75. A parallel to this is exhibited in Bungku, where the first person possessive pronouns -ngku and -nto respectively singular and plural inclusive occur as -ku and -to in words which contain a prenasalized consonant, e.g. rahangku ‘my house’, rahanto ‘our house’, inalangku in + ala + ngku ‘taken by me’, versus pinombehiku ‘given by me’, tinondato ‘followed by us’, and the such. 30 In Mori the phenomenon under consideration occurs not with the possessives, but rather especially with and following prefixes. Thus as described above, when the verbal prefix mo- is placed before a stem which begins with a k, t, p or s, the initial stem of the consonant is prenasalized. If such a stem, however, already contains a prenasalized k, t, p or s, then as a rule the initial consonant is not prenasalized. Examples are: mopumpu ‘collect’; motungku ‘lift’; mokansilako ‘shoot’ a dart, for example; mongkokonto ‘look at something fixedly, stare at something’; monsimpu ‘jolt or bump fruit from a tree with a stick or something similar’; mongkansai ‘throw at with a lance’. When the stem contains a prenasalized voiced consonant, as a rule prenasalization remains. The prefix me- as a plural marker and in the meaning ‘beset with’ occurs with prenasalization of a following k, t, p or s, but which prenasalization can be withheld under the influence of a following ngk, nt, mp or ns seldom or never under the influence of a following prenasalized voiced consonant, e.g.:  mesangki, plural of sumangki ‘answer’  metepumpu, plural of tepumpu ‘collected’  do-me-tingko-o-mo 3 PL - PL -knock-3 SG - PERF ‘they knocked it up’  do-me-sangka-o-mo 3 PL - PL -catch-3 SG - PERF ‘they received it’  do-me-sampa-o-mo 3 PL - PL -divide.into.pieces-3 SG - PERF ‘they divided it into pieces’ The preposition a originates from an. The Mori has preserved a relic of [p. 24] this final n in the form of prenasalization of the initial consonant of the word which follows a, provided it is a k, t, p or s § 274. If the word already contains a prenasalized k, t, p or s, then this prenasalization can be omitted, e.g.  a kompo-no at belly-3 SG . POS ‘in his belly’  a tuwu-ng-keu at top.part- LG -tree ‘on the tree’ 30 [footnote 2, p. 23] For these forms I have to thank Mr. E. Gobée pers.comm., at that time Assistant-Resident of the Poso District.  ia sempe melewe at plate flat ‘on a flat plate’ On the same basis prenasalization can be omitted in compounds, e.g.:  puu m-pom-pakambi expert LG - TRI -tend.livestock ‘herdsman’  tahu sempe old plate ‘an old worn-out plate’ Compare with prenasalization tahu nsala ‘an old, unmaintained path sala’. Likewise the prenasalization associated with mpo- or mpe-, the respective plural forms of mo- and me- see § 223 ff. can be omitted under the influence of a prenasalized voiceless stop or s, e.g.,  pompakuliario, in place of mpompakuliario ‘place medicine or magic in it’ e.g. in front of a plant  pompake in place of mpompake, plural of mompake ‘use’  pom-poko-’alo iro bonti PL : TRI - POTENT -get 3 PL wild.pig ‘they caught a wild pig’ [Upper Mori] In this way the plural forms of some conjugated verbs can come to resemble the dual forms thereof compare § 224. Usually it is the FIRST prenasalization which is omitted. Sometimes, however, it is the second which disappears, while the first remains but only when the second does not belong to the stem, for example:  ka do-m-po-tuturako and 3 PL - PL - TRI -do.quickly ‘so that they hurried up’  nahi komba do-m-po-tonda sala NEG by.any.means 3 PL - PL - TRI -follow way ‘they followed no path’  m-po-kaa PL - TRI -eat ‘they eat’ [Watu, Karunsi’e, Moiki] Compare the forms without plural marking, respectively montuturako, montonda and mongkaa. The influence of a prenasalized sound sometimes extend over more than one word, e.g.:  da men-tuu komiu m-pong-kaa? still PL -be.there 1 PLX PL - TRI -eat ‘Are you all still sitting there eating?’ With this example, it must be kept in mind that mentuu komiu is actually a single word see §§ 142 and 143. The above-mentioned are not the sole but rather the principal cases in which this phenomenon is found. The omission of prenasalization is often optional especially in the last-mentioned cases. The articulation of prenasalization in ngk, nt, mp and ns—of itself usually already weak—becomes even weaker under the influence of a neighboring prenasalized sound particularly a prenasalized voiceless stop or s, which weakening can lead to complete disappearance. In cases of reduplication where the prenasalization is not repeated, it may be possible to ascribe this to the same phenomenon. However, the true explanation is probably to be sought in that the prenasalization is not felt to be a part of the stem. Compare mongkita-kita ‘look at once, examine’ and mongkikita ‘look at for some time’; mompari-pari ‘hasten’; mentade-tade ‘somewhat stand’; kontade-tade ‘standing’; mentoro-toro ‘somewhat sit’, etc. Nevertheless one also finds forms with reduplication of the prenasalization, e.g. mensua-nsua ‘separate, part ways’, mengkena-ngkena ‘similar’ roughly the same in meaning as mengkena. In these cases the prenasalization is felt to belong to the secondary stem, such as emerges in the causative derivations see §§ 23 and 303. Final Syllables. 29. As an open-syllable language, Mori has no final consonants. Original final consonants as a rule have been lost. In a number of words, however, such a final consonant was [p. 25] made pronounceable, and thus was spared, by the adding of -i, thus in the same way as in Pamona. The number of cases is evidently much smaller in Mori than in Pamona, however. The following examples can be mentioned:  mompasinggiri ‘ridicule, mock’, Malay sindir, Makasarese sinrili’.  apari ‘low wall’, next to apa ‘long side’ of a house, ‘slope’ of a mountain, etc., compare Bada papa’, Tontemboan pa’par, Pamona apa ‘side, surface’  salekeri ‘nose ring for a carabao’, Malay kĕlikir, Bugis leke’  bambari ‘news’, Tontemboan wa’mbar  besuli ‘sty of the eye’, Malay bisul  tukoni ‘stick with an iron point, used to seek dammar; the pole of a lance’, Javanese tĕkĕn; Mori tokoni is also encountered  mobombani 31 ‘pin strips of pandanus leaves together into a rain mat with the use of pins cut from bamboo’ the leaves are later sewn together and the pins removed, literally ‘lace with bomba M ARANTA DICHOTOMA ’, compare Pamona mabombai ‘sew with coarse stitches, lace’, from bomba, Malay b ĕmban, Javanese bamban  molampengi ‘place on a foot or feet’, Malay lampin  ensami Sampalowo ‘a species of sour mango’, Malay asam  alapi ‘hit the target, have consequences’, Javanese, Malay, Tontemboan alap  montutuwi not with the suffix -i ‘cover’, Javanese, Malay tutup, Sangirese tutubĕ  lolowi ‘flooded’, Pamona lólobi, melólobi, melólowi or melolo ‘drowned, sunken’  bongkusi, name of the tough, yellow portion of the leaf sheath of the betel palm which is used to wrap various items, Malay bungkus 31 [footnote 1, p. 25] Or is this formed with the suffix -i § 372 ff.?  montuehi not with the suffix -i ‘fell, cut down’, Tontemboan tĕwas ‘cut down a free-standing plant with one slanting cut’, Malay t ĕbas  montobosi not with the suffix -i, as tobo is not encountered in this meaning ‘exchange, trade in’, Malay t ĕbus In borrowed words a word-final consonant is sometimes spared by an i, e.g. montulungi ‘help’ from Bugis or Malay tulung; mobalasi ‘repay, requite’ Malay balas; iari ‘yard’ from Dutch yard; harandisi ‘forced labor’ Dutch heerendienst; solopi ‘carton’ Dutch slof; and pasi which means both ‘pass’ Dutch pas as well as ‘baby- sitter’ Dutch oppas. 32 In lansikapu ‘region’ Dutch landschap and medamu ‘play at draughts’ Dutch dammen a u is found under the influence of the preceding labial. When in a word which at first sight appears to be borrowed from Malay Javanese, Dutch, etc. the original final consonant is preserved by a vowel of the same quality as that of the final syllable, in most cases but not always one should consider borrowing from Bugis or Makasarese via Bugis see also § 43. Thus benggolo ‘a four-doit piece’ is from Makasarese benggolo’, while Mori akala ‘ruse’, gambere ‘gambier’ and anggoro ‘wine’ are to be found back in Bugis akkal ĕng, gambere’ and anggoro’, while Impo botoro ‘bottle’ is from Bugis botolo’, [p. 26] etc. by the nature of things, many of the words here intended are not to be found in the Bugis or Makasarese dictionaries. The final consonant is also often omitted in borrowed words, e.g. see ‘cent’, belee ‘tin can’ Malay b ĕlek, ultimately Dutch blik, sinapa ‘gun’ Bugis sinapang, kawa ‘wire’ Malay kawat, etc. For all consonants except the voiced consonants and h, it can be demonstrated that they are to be found as final consonants. For k this emerges from pe’anakaa ‘womb, uterus’ 33 , from Malayo-Polynesian anak, and Padoe me’iki ‘kiss’, Old Javanese ar ĕk; for t from mo’oloti ‘obstruct someone on the way; separate for example, people who are fighting’, from Malayo-Polynesian ĕlĕt, and beata ‘exhausted, worn out’, stem bea, Malay bĕrat; for glottal stop from pute’a ‘species of dove’, Pamona puti’a, stem puti, Malay putih, and mompuro’i ‘squeeze’, Malay p ĕrah, Javanese poh, Tagalog piga’, Sundanese p ĕrĕs, next to Toba Batak poro, Bikol poga, Sangirese pĕha. For the other consonants, see the above lists. The last two examples pute’a and mompuro’i make it not certain, but nevertheless probable, that in prehistory glottal stop took the place of h in word final position. To be sure, an h is often found before a suffixed or paragogic i, but such cases are still possibly secondary. The following examples lend credibility to this:  montuehi ‘fell, cut down’, Tontemboan tĕwas, Malay tĕbas  mo’awahi ‘settle, satisfy’, from awa ‘sufficient’, Tontemboan awĕs  mo’otuhi ‘chop off, cut through’, stem otu, Malay putus, Pamona butu or botu Pamona mabotusi means ‘finish off, decide’ 34  monteahako and mongkorahako ‘do one’s best to make one’s side win’, stems tea and kora, Malay tĕras and k ĕras  montolahako ‘release’, Malay tĕlah, but Javanese tĕlas  mompedehi ‘beat with the flat of the hand’, id. with mompedesi 32 [footnote 2, p. 25] In the second case the o could have been lost because it was considered the article o. [Postscript, p. 33] Although these words are given here as borrowings from Dutch, in most cases it is likely they entered Mori via a second language. In Mori true Dutch words are seldom adopted out of the mouths of Dutchmen themselves. 33 [footnote 1, p. 26] This word contains a double occurrence of the suffix -a, probably because the original suffix was no longer heard in the syllable -ka. 34 [footnote 2, p. 26] I consider botu a doublet of butu, and the latter cognate with putus mabutu ‘broken, chopped off’; mabutusi ‘break, chop off’  mo’empehi ‘cover something e.g. a chair with something that functions as an underlay’, Impo mo’apasi meaning uncertain, Loinan ampas ‘mat’ In all these case h must be considered to have arisen from earlier s. The h in mongkuahako ‘address someone, converse about something’ and kuaho ‘to feel unwell, with symptoms from which it appears that one has been ‘addressed’ namely, by a spirit’, however, has been secondarily inserted, as appears from Tontemboan kua. In prehistory final b must have become w, compare the examples montutuwi and kolowi earlier in this section. Final d probably became r, compare paura dialectally ‘the bamboo slat in a piece of roofing thatch’, Sangirese paud ĕ, while final g, like in Pamona, became k, compare laika ‘hut’, Loinan, Balantak laigan, stem laig, Mongondow ḷaig. Word lengthening. 30. In addition to the cases where a paragogic -i occurs, one can also speak of lengthening in words which have become fused with an honorific prefix tu- or an old article e suffix. In the vetitive particle osii or osi’i ‘Don’t’, Malay Jangan, one probably has to do with a prosthetic o; placed before a verb or adjective, only si is used. The stem sii is probably cognate with the stem jii ‘still, quiet’ in Pamona, etc., and with that of Sangirese kadi’ ‘be quiet’. Some single syllable particles were at one time lengthened to two syllables, which lengthening as a rule was accompanied by glottal epenthesis, e.g. strengthening particle da’a next to da ‘still, yet’, [p. 27] nde’e next to nde see § 183, sii or si’i = osii, osi’i next to si compare § 80. 35 See also § 17. Word shortening and vowel merger.

31. Word shortening is a consequence of contraction and of suppression