Concerning nasals which arise from prenasalized sounds, see § 27.
l.
86. In general l is an original sound in Mori. Examples: olipa ‘centipede’, Malay halipan; molai ‘go at a run’,
Malay lari; lumako ‘go’, Malay laku; le’uha ‘nit’, Batak, Javanese, Sundanese lisa, Tombulu l ĕse’a; otolu ‘three’,
Malayo-Polynesian t ĕlu; lidi ‘leaf rib of the aren palm, etc.’, Malay id.; limonti ‘species of ant’, Tontemboan
lalam ĕntic; mo’ala ‘take’, Javanese, Tontemboan alap. In onomatopoeia and motion words: gogolo, said of the soft
sucking sound of mud as one sinks down in it, and the such; kolohuko, wunggoloko, birds, named after their sounds; monggelo-nggelo ‘move the body back and forth, twist’, said of snakes, fishes, and the such in Sampalowo nggelo
means ‘snake’.
87. An initial l has been lost in api ‘layer’, Pamona api and lapi, Malay lapis, Mori ompeo linapi ‘two mats
sewn together’ Pamona also has tapi, however and also in engke ‘posture of running, etc.’, Pamona engko, compare Pamona lengko ‘move’.
A medial l has been lost in: saira ‘sickle’, Pamona salira; sole dawa or soe dawa both Padoe ‘maize’; tee-tee Karunsi’e, used as a term of address for small girls Tinompo sele, Parigi tile ‘vagina’; mompaisi Upper Mori
‘wipe’, Pamona palisi; momposaa ‘divert water in order to dry out a piece of ground’, if at any rate saa is a doublet of sala, Malay salah, source meaning ‘next to it’;
87
nggio-nggio ‘firefly’, compare mangkilo ‘glittering, glistening’.
88. An l alternates with r in:
the two-syllable prefixes with r or l in the second syllable, compare § 355 ff.; see also Adriani 1931238– 239
lee Mori and ree Padoe ‘sword grass’ tarompio ‘fern species’, Pamona lompiu
lauro ‘rattan’, [p. 58]
Bugis rauk ĕng, Pu’u-mboto ndauro, Ampana ruro
la’a Padoe and ra’a Molongkuni, demonstrative of the third person see § 192 mosa’o nggeri ‘very bad’, Pamona nggeli
Concerning the alternation of l and d, see § 64; concerning that of l with nd, see § 67; concerning that of l with ns, § 70; and concerning that of l with n, § 85. Concerning the relationship of l and y, see § 104. Sometimes l also
stands in the place of the R-L-D law; see § 101. In two dubious cases, l may stand in the place of the R-G-H lawe; see § 97.
87
[Postscript, p. 57] The stem saa of momposaa Pamona mampasaa or masaa could indeed not be a doublet of Mori sala, but instead is to be brought into connection with Javanese sat, Sundanese sa’at. The meaning, however, is not only ‘divert
water to dry out a particular piece of ground’, but also ‘divert water to bring water to a certain place’ for example a paddy field. Presumably one has to do here with words of roughly the same meaning, which resemble each other in form, and which
are brought next to each other through linguistic awareness, since Mori speakers also say momposala uwoi, likewise ‘divert water’ in general Pamona mampasaya.
r.
89. Examples of original r are: ra’u, name of a tree, Javanese rau, Malay rawa; mokoburu ‘inspiring dislike’,
Malay buruk; mongkira-kira ‘deceive, pull someone’s leg’, Malay kira;
88
mokora ‘heavy’, Malay k ĕras; tengkuru
‘wrinkled’, Malay k ĕrut.
Often, however, Mori r corresponds with some other sound in related languages, in Malay usually d. Thus in ra’i ‘forehead’, Malay dahi; raki ‘skin dirt’, Malay daki; rere ‘wall’, Malay dinding; rada ‘chest’, Malay dada;
rano ‘lake’, Malay danau, and in many examples of the R-L-D law, see § 100. An initial r has been lost in: te’ampe, next to terampe ‘be washed onto something and remain stuck there’;
ma’iso ‘narrow’, compare Pamona iso and riso ‘press against each other’ the last stem is probably the same as that of Mori teriso ‘meet, assemble, deliberate’, momperiso ‘possess in common’.
An r has been lost in the middle of a word in: taipa ‘mango’, Pamona taripa; bia Padoe ‘vagina’, Tinompo bira ‘female carabao’, originally meaning ‘split’ Pamona bira, Tontemboan wirang.
Concerning r as the representative of the R-G-H and R-L-D laws, see §§ 93 and 100. Concerning the alternation of r and g, see § 53; of r and d, §§ 64 and 90 ff.; of r and s, § 73; of r and l, § 88. Concerning the
relationship of r and nd, see §§ 19 and 67.
The R-G-H law.
90. The usual reflex of the R-G-H law in Mori is y, which sound however is no longer to be encountered, but
has been treated in various ways in keeping with the position in which it came to stand see § 104. In order of frequency, the following are also encountered as reflexes of the R-G-H law: r, no consonant, g k, h, glottal stop
and l.
91. Examples of y are:
89
α. intervocalically: ia ‘vein, tendon, sinew’, from uya, Malay urat; doublet ure, see below
[p. 59] owea ‘shoulder’, from owaya or awaya, Toba Batak abara, Bisaya abaga
wea Molio’a ‘pestled rice’, Malay bĕras
90
wea, in wea api Watu-Karunsi’e ‘glowing coals’, Malay bara; the usual form is waro, see below rea ‘blood’, Malay darah
mobea ‘heavy’, Malay bĕrat
88
[Postscript, p. 58] In Molio’a mongkira occurs in the sense of ‘tell lies’. Perhaps here one has to do with a stem word borrowed from a Buginese language.
89
[footnote 1, p. 58] As a rule, only one equivalent from a related language is given; the others are to be found in the well- known studies concerning this subject Brandes 1884; Conant 1911, 1915; inter alia.
90
[footnote 1, p. 59] The stem wea also occurs in Tinompo as an adjective, e.g. weaomo ‘the rice is already b ĕras, has
already been pestled’. In Watu wea means ‘field rice’. Nearly all dialects use a descriptive term for ‘pestled rice’, especially inisa, Upper Mori inuse ‘that which is pestled’. Padoe speakers say ihi kuro ‘contents of the cook pot’, the Karunsi’e morina
‘clean’, the Tambee hinumona.
motea ‘hard, strong’, Malay tĕras teo ‘a tree, A
RTOCARPUS BLUMEI
’, Malay t ĕrap, Bentenan tugap, Minahasan te’ep.
seami ‘stubble’, Malay jĕrami; dialectally sorami, see below wee stem ‘give’, Upper Mori wei,
91
Malay b ĕri, Pamona wai
seno ‘nest’, probably from seeno, with possessive pronoun -no, thus from the stem see, Pamona sea, Malay sarang
monea ‘tame’, Pamona manaya, Minahasan languages naram, Formosan dagam Brandes 1884:120 monseu ‘sew’, Malay jarum; dialect form monsou, see below
meoa ‘kind of wasp’, Sundanese nyiruan, Pampangan aniguan, Balinese nyawan, Pamona nyaua Brandes 1884:120
eu ‘kind of spinach’, Toba Batak arum, Lampong ayum meheo Padoe ‘to prick with its stinger heono’, Bisaya sogod, Tagalog sigid, Tombulu sèhèr
siu ‘corner’, Malay juru, Bisaya pandogo mesiili ‘suck air into the mouth through the teeth’ e.g. when eating something hot, Pamona siru ‘id.’,
Malay irup, Balinese siyup concerning -li, see § 375 A questionable example is tii ‘descend’, which could correspond with Malay turun, etc. Brandes 1884:46–47,
compare metiimako ‘descend, go down’, montiimako ‘bring down’, and tiima ‘berthing place’ metii is also used for disembarking a ship; tii would then stand for tiu or tui compare § 34, or §§ 41 and 17, from tuyu.
Compare, however, Pamona and Mekongga tudu.
β. as onset: etu ‘hundred’, from yatu, Malay ratus
ihu Watu-Karunsi’e ‘side’, from yuhu or yusu, Malay rusuk; concerning the form orusu, see § 93 Concerning hiewi and indiawi, see § 95.
γ. as coda: iki ‘tail’, from ikuy, Malay ekor. Some Upper Mori dialects have the form okui. The o in the first syllable is
perhaps to be explained from assimilation, but this explanation is uncertain; compare Malagasy oho and ohy
[p. 60] ule ‘snake’, Malay ular; see also § 101
moronge ‘hear, feel’, Upper Mori morongoi,
92
Malay d ĕngar
91
[footnote 2, p. 59] But weaku ‘give it to me’. Padoe has wee.
92
[footnote 1, p. 60] In Molio’a, etc. mohori; see § 40.
su’ului ‘egg, testicle’ also pronounced as sului in collocations such as sului manu ‘chicken egg’, Malay t
ĕlor. Probably su’ului stands for si’ului or siului, metathesized form of isului, compare Mekongga tiolu, Kasimbar itolu, Tagalog, Bisaya itlug, etc. Adriani Kruyt 1914:232, 237
moturi ‘sleep’, Tagalog tulog, Pamona, Javanese turu, Ngaju Dayak tiroh, Malay tidur; turi must therefore stand for turuy
mowohi ‘satisfied’, Toba Batak bosur, Tagalog busog motewe ‘bland’, Malay tawar
ili ‘slobber, drool’, Malay liur, Old Javanese ilū. There is also a word onui ‘saliva’, which could be a doublet. For ‘saliva’ the Watu have eli.
Uncertain is Watu ngapi ‘lime’, which could correspond with Malay kapur.
92. The number of cases in which no consonant appears in place of the typical sound appears greater than it is,
because where the R-G-H sound occurred word finally, it of itself must have disappeared in Mori. On grounds of the cases presented in § 91
γ, probably also in other words a final y was lost, but which was unable to leave any trace behind. Similarly one could suppose that a word such as rui ‘thorn’ goes back to ruyi, the y of which must have
been lost through influence of the following i see § 104. There are, then, only two examples known to me in which the typical sound has not or could not have been lost as a result of such a circumstance. Of these two, one is perhaps
borrowed and the other Padoe, both thus perhaps not Mori.
Cases in which the typical sound has been lost are: rui ‘thorn’, Pamona id., Malay duri; a doublet is perhaps luria, see below
mandiu Upper Mori ‘bathe’ intransitive, mompandiu ‘id.’ transitive, Pamona mandiu and mariu, Malay dirus
molai ‘run away’, Malay lari
93
ramai ‘toward here, approach’
94
and Upper Mori mai ‘move along the way in a hither direction, come’, Malay mari;
95
co-form tamahi, see below mompuai ‘expose to the sunshine’, mo’ai ‘burning, burning hot, burnt up’,
96
Malay hari [p. 61]
mosou Padoe ‘sew’, compare monseu § 91α; for ‘needle’, Padoe speakers use supe, the Upper Mori word
mopee ‘narrow, shut tight’, mompee ‘tighten tight’, Sangirese pihisĕ, Tontemboan pi’is, Ngaju Dayak pehes, Tagalog pig’is compare Brandes 1884:120. This case is doubtful; one should also consider mompii
‘stop up, obstruct, block’ mowai ‘sour, tainted’ of foods, Batak, Sundanese bari Brandes 1884:121
93
[footnote 3, p. 60] Mori mompalari ‘make run hard’ as of a horse, is from Bugis palari.
94
[footnote 4, p. 60] Concerning the element ra-, see § 193.
95
[footnote 5, p. 60] Perhaps this word could be reckoned to the R-L-D words Conant 1911:393. Conant also cites a stem ai, probably a doublet of the forms with the R-G-H and R-L-D sounds Malay mari is an -um- form. The co-form tamahi makes
it less probable that Mori ramai should be derived from the stem ai. [Postscript, p. 60] Compare further, however, § 95.
96
[footnote 6, p. 60 and Postscript, p. 60] In Padoe mohai; here the h can be secondary.
β. as onset concerning indiawi ‘yesterday’ etc., see below: aki ‘raft’, Malay raki Brandes 1884:121. I have encountered this word only among the To Molio’a and
the To Tambee, peoples who border on the Pamona language area, where likewise aki is said. Perhaps it is thus a borrowed word. The usual Mori word for ‘raft’ is lanti.
γ. as coda: bose ‘oar’, Toba Batak borsi, Tagalog bagsay, Sundanese boseh
wiwi ‘lip, rim’, Malay bibir umili ‘sail downstream’, stem ili, Malay hilir, Javanese ili
uwoi ‘water’, IN wair, Malay air Brandes 1884:120, compare § 59 balo au ‘species of bamboo’, Malay aur, Mongondow aug, Gorontalo wawohu
moli Padoe ‘ear of rice’, cognate
PERHAPS
with Malay bulir, Javanese wuli, because this word is often used as a measure word, and aso moli ‘one ear’ could arise from aso mboli, aso mbuli thus wuli or
woli with the prenasalization characteristic of measure words. Compare, however, Upper Mori and Watu momoli ‘straight’, so that aso moli could also be compared with Tinompo asa ngkeu ‘one stalk’,
from keu, actually ‘tree, wood’
dali ‘buttress root’, Bisaya dalid, Sangirese daligĕ, Tagalog, etc. dalig, Buol daligu, Gayo, Toba Batak daling, Gorontalo dolidu thus irregular
93. The r is a more important reflex. This occurs:
