We’oluna to We’o, Weholina to Weho, etc. Wemapada is shortened to Wema, but Wemasusa to Susa.
44
Not only can syllables be omitted, but also single consonants, e.g. Onde for Ngkonde. In practice, every name of three or more syllables
is shortened. Sometimes two people of the same sex who are friends will chose a single name by which they will both be known to
each other. Often this name—in Mori called the pesike-sikeno—consists of two syllables which in themselves have no meaning, but which are the shortening of an existing word. Thus the name Pina can be amplified as Pinatambo ‘abandoned,
left behind’, though it could well be amplified as something else.
45
Metathesis.
33. Some examples of metathesis are:
araha next to ahara ‘whetstone’, stem aha, Malay asah kotoa next to tokoa ‘thus, in reality’
46
lo’ia ‘ginger’, Malay halia, Sangirese, Tontemboan lia mo’emo ‘immerse’, if at any rate this is cognate with Pamona ome ‘moisten throughout, soak’, Loinan
mohome ‘wet’ tundo ‘heel’, if at any rate this corresponds with Pamona todu.
mompepa’urako, next to mompera’upako ‘give someone’s head a push so that it shoots forward and downward’, compare tera’u ‘nod’, and Pamona mera’upako ‘throw oneself face downward’
However, one also has tembomba’u ‘nod a little bit’ and momba’u-mba’u ‘do this continually’. [p. 30]
An example of metathesis in a borrowed word is Karunsi’e tarakasa ‘paper’, from Bugis kar ĕttasa’.
In some cases a reason for the metathesis can be demonstrated. Thus the stem of mo’oho ‘tie, tie in a bow’ is the Mori correspondent to Pamona so’o ‘tie’, evidently because a stem-initial h cannot be followed by glottal stop
except in interjections. Likewise mowo’ohi ‘wash pots and the such’, Impo, Watu, Karunsi’e mowu’ohi, Molio’a mowoohi, but Padoe mowohoki, Pamona mawuso’i, Malay basuh. The same cause could have led to the metathesis
in Impo li’oho, Tinompo le’uha ‘nit’, Tontemboan l ĕse’a, Javanese, Sundanese lisa, although the Pamona also say
lioso. See also § 96. So also laro ‘interior’ must be the metathesized form of ralo, because it corresponds with Pamona raya,
Malay dalam compare § 100; apparently in Mori a stem cannot contain a syllable with r followed by a syllable with l.
44
[Postscript, p. 29] The reason that Wemapada is shortened to Wema is because Pada does not sound fitting as a woman’s name, and because Wemapada is not derived from pada or mapada, but rather consists of Wema + pada there are very many
names which begin with Wema.
45
[Postscript, p. 29] In each separate case the pesike-sikeno has a particular origin, although often the concerned do not share with others how the last part of their chosen name goes, so that various conjectures about it are possible.
46
[footnote 4, p. 29] As in: omiu-mo tokoa
anu… 2
PL
.
INDEP
-
PERF
in.reality
REL
‘You are thus the ones who…’ nahi to’ori-o
motae rani koa tokoa
anu…
NEG
know-3
SG
that forest.gnome
just in.reality
REL
‘He didn’t know that in reality it was a forest gnome who…’
When on occasion forms such as daa kongko ‘there still was’ and daa rau
47
are encountered, these are probably to be explained as arising from da raau and da koongko through forward displacement of sentence accent compare §§ 18 and
178.
SOUND CHANGE. General features of sound change.
34. Here assimilation must especially be mentioned, which in Mori has played a greater role than might be
deduced from just the following examples: nee Tinompo, ngee Upper Mori ‘name’, from nea, ngea, Pamona ngaya, Old Javanese, Tontemboan
ngaran compare § 101 motewe ‘bland, insipid’, from motawe, motawai, Malay tawar see § 91γ
pele ‘palm of the hand, sole of the foot’, Pamona pale ‘hand’, Padoe palai see § 101 enge ‘nose’, if at any rate this corresponds with Pamona engo, Malay ingus
me’eto Padoe ‘black’, probably from ma’ito, compare Pamona maeta next to Tinompo mo’ito rege ‘mud’, if at any rate this stem takes the place of rego, compare Padoe merego, Nuha morego, Watu
mereko ‘muddy’, Tinompo merege; however, Tinompo also has morego in the meaning ‘liquid, thin’ montongo ‘wrap’, Pamona tonge
soo ‘bay, cove’, Pamona suo, Malay suak In the Sampalowo dialect people say indi’ii for indi’ai ‘here’, itu’ii for itu’ai ‘there near you’, ilo’ii also ilo’oi
for ilo’ai ‘down there’. This assimilation has not taken place in ira’ai ‘over there’ and itahai ‘up there’. In ngkiniwia ‘late afternoon, evening’, the i of the second syllable can go directly back to
ĕ see § 51, compare Pamona ngkinowia. That i occurs here rather than a as in indiawi ‘yesterday’ must in any case be ascribed to the
influence of the two other i’s. [p. 31]
In tuwu ‘top, upper portion’, Pamona tuwa, and in indi’upua next to indi’ipua ‘day before yesterday, formerly’ and te’upua next to te’ipua ‘day after tomorrow, in the future’ compare § 48, one could just as well consider
assimilation to the neighboring vowels as to the preceding or following consonant. Naturally there arise many more cases of assimilation in fast speech compare § 31. To mention just a single
example, one regularly hears keendio in place of ke andio interrogative particle + demonstrative of the first person, etc.
In the above, I have limited myself to cases of vowel harmony even though it is not entirely certain in all cases that the vowels and not also the consonants have caused the assimilation. When, however, prenasalization has
given rise to voicing of voiceless stops see § 26, this also is assimilation, and of the sound changes to be treated in the following paragraphs, there are likewise many to be subsumed under this label. However, they form separate
categories which are better treated in other connections.
47
[from main text, p. 30] As in: butu-mo koa
ana-no anu daa rau
only-
PERF
just child-3
SG
.
POS REL
still be.over.there
‘it was only just his child who was still there’
Merely in passing I point out some sound changes which have irregularly occurred in pre-stress position, and fall outside the usual sound rules, such as in salekeri ‘nose ring of a carabao’, Pamona kalékeri, Malay k
ĕlikir, compare Hurgronje 1893:387, 399; Watu mekolobia ‘divine, auger’, Pamona mobolobiangi, Ampana polobiangi,
Bugis polobia, Sa’dan Toraja ma’biang. So also in molimpa’i ‘step out over something’ the i has probably taken the place of u, compare Pamona malumpa’i or malumpati ‘step out or jump over something’ and Malay lompat. I have
also heard people say mekantiwusa in place of mekantuwusa ‘newly overgrown with weeds’, which stem is no longer felt to be derived from tuwu ‘live, grow’, Malay tumbuh. See also § 48.
a.
35. The vowel a is original in a number of words, such as ana ‘child’, mata ‘eye’, rada ‘chest’, tandu ‘horn’,
ate ‘liver’, mosampe ‘hang something down over something’, manu ‘chicken’, ata ‘slave’, compare Malay anak, mata, dada, hati, tanduk, sampai, Javanese manuk, and Tontemboan, Bugis, etc. ata.
In a few other cases a originates from ĕ compare § 44, such as in:
baku ‘trail food’, Malay bĕkal, Toba Batak bohal, Pampangan bakal, Malayo-Polynesian bĕkĕl; see however Pamona baku-1 Adriani 1928:s.v.
tade ‘stand’, Naju Dayak tende, Malayo-Polynesian tĕn ḍĕγ Dempwolff 1924–1925:44
awa ‘satisfactory’, Tontemboan awĕs raka, see § 100, at any rate if this corresponds with Malay dĕkat, Sundanese deukeut, etc.
madara ‘fast’, at any rate if this corresponds with Malayo-Polynesian dĕ γĕt Dempwolff 1924–1925:44,
Ngaju Dayak dehes Nevertheless one has certainty in each of these cases only when it has been ascertained that the possibility of a
doublet or some other explanation or derivation is excluded.
48
The regular reflex of Malayo-Polynesian ĕ is o, and
when another vowel occurs this must be ascribed to particular circumstances assimilation, analogy or explained by borrowing including mixing of languages.
See below regarding the change of a to e or o u. [p. 32]
48
[Postscript, p. 31] Even less convincing as examples of a from ĕ are:
monsasa ‘slash, hew’, Malay c
ĕ
ncang, but the Bugis have cancang baku ‘solidified, lump’, Malay b
ĕ
ku, but Ngaju Dayak bako ganda ‘drum’, Malay g
ĕ
ndang, but Ngaju Dayak gandang this word could very well be borrowed ensami Sampalowo a species of sour mango, if indeed the stem is cognate with Javanese as
ĕm mongkapa-kapa, monggapa-nggapa ‘flap, flutter’, Malay k
ĕ
pak, but Toba Batak hapak-hapak, Tagalog kapa’, Bisaya id.
waka, in waka raha ‘a ramshackle house’ literally ‘a former house’, Molio’a mowaka ‘wounded, have a great wound’, etc., Malay b
ĕkas, but Tagalog both bikas and bakas Although one could say that the e of mobea ‘heavy’ and motea ‘hard, strong, healthy, sound’ compare respectively Malay b
ĕ
rat; Malay t
ĕras originated from earlier a + i, it also could have arisen directly from ĕ + i; see further § 91.
e.
36. In general e must be considered as non-original. To be sure, one can cite words such as dede ‘line, row’,
Javanese, Malay jejer, in which the e must already be very old, nevertheless one finds a doublet form back in Pamona jijiri, Makasarese jijiri’. The vowel e
IS
to be considered original in onomatopoetic words and interjections. Examples are:
see-see, sesee, the sound made by sword grass as one moves through it kere-kere, kekere, a weak, rustling sound, such as when a mouse moves through the rice in a rice barn or
between paper hee, an impolite reaction, when one is called or summoned by someone; also used as the equivalent of our
‘eh?’, ‘what?’ ee, repeated many times to call pigs
bembe, an onomatopoetic word for ‘goat’ Pu’u-mboto, Ampana, Makasarese, Bugis id., Tontemboan membe’
tirioe, a bird, named after the sound which it makes Pamona tirieo
37. Very often e has originated from i. Examples are:
