Ka also has the meaning ‘as soon as, once that, after that’ in the following sentences:

216. Ka also has the meaning ‘as soon as, once that, after that’ in the following sentences:

16 ka do-hawe i rodoha-do, i Puu-puu mo-nahu-ako ira and 3 PL -arrive at house-3 PL . POS PN Pigeon PART : TRI -cook- APPL 3 PL ‘as soon as they had come inside their house, Pigeon cooked for them’ ka do-m-po’ia mokole ka karua, te-ti-tiangi-o-mo and 3 PL - PL -live ruler and k.o.noble.class NON . AG - REDP -increase-3 SG - PERF arataa-no mia, ko-pompo-pompoli-no-mo mia wealth-3 SG . POS person PROPRTN - REDP -wealthy-3 SG . POS - COMP person ‘once the mokole and the karua with theirs were dwelling there, the possessions of the people constantly increased, and the longer the richer the people became’ ka i-meene ka i-lako k[um]ita-kita-o bonde-no and 3 SG -bright and 3 SG -go PART : REDP -see-3 SG garden-3 SG . POS ‘as soon as it was daytime, he went to look at his garden’ This function of ka corresponds with the function of the prefix ko- in sentences such as: ko-tii-no koa tulambatu atuu liu-liu teboka at-descend-3 SG . POS only k.o.bamboo that immediately split ‘as soon as the bamboo was brought down to the ground, it split immediately’ See further the treatment of ko- in § 345. Also in this case ka evidently has originated from ’transposition’, namely of substantive constructions with ko- in this meaning. In this last mentioned function, ka and ko- do not correspond with Tontemboan ka- but rather with k - Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:121 ff.. This latter, however, need not be differentiated from ka-, but can be considered a variant form thereof Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:121, 123. However, in view of the above, the question arises whether one can indeed imagine the developmental pathway of the Pamona prefix ka- as running entirely parallel with that of the Mori the hypothetical former stage of the Mori conjunction ka; see § 214, in other words, whether ka- ever formed nexus- substantives of adjectives in Mori, and whether or not leaving aside in which meaning or meaning nuance it [p. 176] appeared with substantive derivations of verbs, as is the case with ko- see § 345 ff.. However it makes little sense to lose oneself in these questions, as the explanation given for the conjunction ka remains the same anyway. Nevertheless it is quite probable that ka- at one time formed nexus-substantives from adjectives in Mori, and that the conjunction ka developed especially therefrom. First, ka- in related languages is very often used to form abstracts of adjectives. 17 Second, for adjectives Mori uses not only the causative prefix po- but also poko- 18 mompoko-, which prefix evidently is to be analyzed as po- and the ‘abstract-forming’, etc., prefix ka-. 19 Apart from a few exceptions which may be disregarded in this context, 16 [Postscript, p. 175] The meaning ‘as soon as’, ‘with that’ is not incorrect, and also definitely the original meaning, but just like asa and mansa see § 282, ka also has come to be used in general for ‘then’, ‘after that’, whereby the time interval between the two happenings is less attended to. 17 [footnote 1, p. 176] See Adriani 1893:85. [Postscript, p. 175] Derivations of conjugated verb forms with ka- are also to be found in Pamona, but not of verbal nouns, except for the cases in which one must consider ka- to be secondary Adriani 1931:440 ff.. [Postscript, p. 175] Also compare what is said here with § 247. It must further be mentioned that the given explanation of ka does not require us to adopt the view that the prior prefix ka- in Mori which became ka served only to derive nexus- substantives. This function of ka- is itself secondary and furthermore the functions of Mori ka- do not point in this direction either. From related languages it appears that ka- is a very general prefix, which occurs with various categories of stems in various gradations of meaning, which, however, all go back to the same root meaning, namely one of uniformity and completeness; the final, etc. meanings of Mori ka link up with this source notion without any difficulty. Compare the functions of ko- treated by Adriani 1931:476. 18 [footnote 2, p. 176] Where this prefix and its cognates is prefixed to other than adjective stems Kern 1916:288 ff., one may very well have to do with a later expansion of its use. 19 [Postscript, p. 176] It emerges in § 303 that in a former stage of the language causatives could also be derived from adjective stems using mompo-, while at the same time the difference between these forms and those with mompoko- is pointed apparently causatives were made in this manner only from adjectives. And finally, Watu and Karunsi’e use ma in place of ka. This ma can be considered the familiar prefix of many adjectives, if one accepts that ma has developed in the same way as ka in a time when nexus substantives of adjectives were no longer formed with ka- at present it is the rule that the nexus substantive of an adjective entirely corresponds with its usual form, save the cases in which a suffix -a occurs; see § 380 ff., so that then also with ‘transposition’ the conjugating prefixes came before the usual form of the adjective, and not before its ka- form as in Pamona. The form ma also occurs in the meaning ‘and’, 20 for example Watu: iwono-to pompu’ua-no ma ro-m-pe’iwali dahu ma bonti 3 SG . INDEP - PERF beginning-3 SG . POS and 3 PL - PL -be.enemies dog and wild.pig ‘that was the beginning of it that dogs and wild pigs live as enemies of each other’ [Watu] Conjugated forms in other expressions. 217. Besides after ka, conjugated forms also occur following synonymous expressions, such as da iaopo ‘as soon as’, ‘with that’ § 162, borono ‘and then’ § 148, rau ‘then’ § 183 and meronga. This last is actually a verb with the meaning ‘do something together’, but it can also be used to mean ‘at the moment that’, ‘attended by’ or ‘immediately be followed by’, for example: meronga i-hawe ilo’ai s[um]oo-o-mo oleo together 3 SG -arrive down.there PART :set-3 SG - PERF sun ‘at the moment he arrived down there, the sun set’ men-tahu kami m-po’ia-’ia meng-kohali-hali kami rundu PL -be.up.there 1 PLX PL -sit.around PL -surprised 1 PLX thunder bote meronga i-tii usa stone together 3 SG -descend rain ‘we sat above in the house then suddenly we heard thunder attended by the downpour of rain’ umari-no mong-kaa meronga i-mate finish-3 SG . POS PART : TRI -eat together 3 SG -die ‘when he was finished eating, immediately he died’ Furthermore a conjugated form regularly 21 follows maupo in the meaning of ‘although, even though’, for example: maupo to-m-pe’ula a bangka even.though 1 PLN - PL -board at boat ‘even though we board a boat’ maupo i-langkai tuwu-mu even.though 3 SG -big life-2 SG . POS ‘even though you are from high rank’ lit. ‘even though your living is great’ Compare the following, however, where a conjugated form is not possible: out. The ka- substantives which underlie the latter forms are still not required to be considered true ‘abstracts’, seeing that these forms must have originally indicated the extent of the quality expressed by the stem. 20 [Postscript, p. 176] That Watu and Karunsi’e use ka ‘and’ in numerals—for example Watu hopulu ka aasa ‘eleven’, hopulu ka orua ‘twelve’, etc.—is to be explained from borrowing. 21 [Postscript, p. 176] The use of a conjugated form after maupo is not obligatory, thus maupo mpe’ula kita = maupo to-mpe’ula ‘even though we board’, etc. No conjugating occurs after mau see for example the beginning of § 290. maupo sii-mo 22 even.though NEG . IMPV - PERF ‘it need not’ lit. ‘even though it is that it not happen’ Compare also these examples, where maupo has a somewhat different meaning although preceding from the first: maupo puu nahu even.though expert cook ‘even up to the one who was responsible for cooking’ maupo metuundu, naahi even.though PART :bow NEG ‘not even a head bow did he do’ [p. 177] Also a conjugated form is sometimes used following, among others, ba ‘if, in case, when’, bara ura ‘perhaps’, nde ‘because, as’, for example: 23 ba i-hadio inula-no bangka if 3 SG -many cargo-3 SG . POS boat ‘if the boat’s cargo is a lot’ behe aku koa ba to-lako want 1 SG only if 1 PLN -go ‘I just want us to go’ bara ura u-pande pandiri-akita tandu-no ambau-no kalamboro perhaps 2 SG -clever example- APPL :1 PLN horn-3 SG . POS carabao-3 SG . POS people.eater ‘are you perhaps capable of copying the horns of the people eater’s carabao for us?’ ndi i-tedoa i-’ine’ehe-ako-no onae koa 24 because 3 SG -very 3 SG -find.good- APPL -3 SG 3 SG . INDEP just ‘because he found it very splendid, that was the reason’ pohona i Tehu mongura andio i-lako melempa-lempa once PN Rat young this 3 SG -go PART :walk.around ‘once young Rat went out for a walk’ In the majority of these cases, but not all, the occurrence of a conjugated form is to be explained by analogy. That a conjugated form always occurs after nahi ‘not’ likewise napo and napi ‘not yet’, namo and nami ‘not any longer’ is without a doubt likewise to be explained by ‘transposition’ of what were originally substantive 22 [footnote 3, p. 176] That the vetitive particle sii is used here instead of the usual negative particle compare Pamona mau bare’e hangs together with the meaning of the expression. 23 [Postscript, p. 177] For more cases see § 102. Concerning the various constructions which are possible after ba, something more is to be found in footnote 1, p. 220. [Postscript, p. 178] For sake of completeness, other cases in which the Mori substantive constructions are used include: in the vivid picturing of an event, in the form of an exclamation, just as in Pamona see § 226, the eleventh and twelfth examples; § 249, the tenth and eleventh examples; and the end of § 246, with ko- in the cases spoken of in §§ 345, 346 and 348, and with da ‘still’ in the cases mentioned on p. 190. In the majority of the cases mentioned in §§ 226 and 249, in which circumstances a nexus substantive is or can be used in a language such as English, it is better not to speak of ‘substantive constructions’. Moreover in this respect mention must be made concerning the plural forms which sometimes occur in substantive constructions. See the citation presently included in footnote 1, p. 277. 24 [footnote 1, p. 177] Cf. § 160. constructions negation particles often originally had the meaning of a strong negative, for example Malay tiada, Pamona bare’e, etc. etc. which originally had the meaning ‘there is not’; from this the occurrence of substantive constructions is to be explained; see further § 262 ff.. As has already been observed, future forms can always be used in the place of conjugated forms, also after the conjunctions, particles, etc. mentioned in this section. 218. Where it is possible for a substantive construction to be transformed into a sentence with a conjugated form, this has usually happened. The most important group of substantive constructions which escaped this process consists of temporal adjuncts, such as appear in the following examples: 25 hawe-no koa ka i-pewinso um-ala-o bau andio arrive-3 SG . POS only and 3 SG -enter PART -get-3 SG fish this ‘when she had come there, she went in in order to fetch the fish’ lit. ‘upon her coming…’ umari-no wala-o bangka andio ka i-’amba mo-’ula finish-3 SG . POS cover-3 SG boat this and 3 SG -then PART : TRI -load ‘when he was finished covering the boat, he proceeded to load’ mansa-no molai bela-bela andio melonso-o-mo i Nggasi; at.once-3 SG . POS PART :flee butterfly this PART :jump-3 SG - PERF PN Tarsier pelonso-no andio tii a wure, 26 motitilalo a nganga-no buaea jump-3 SG . POS this descend at foam straight at mouth-3 SG . POS crocodile ‘after the butterfly had fled, Tarsier took a jump; when he had leapt lit., upon this leap of his, he came down on the foam, straight into the mouth of a crocodile’ pohona l[um]ako mon-saku i Lalindo; tepusa-no andio, once PART :go PART : TRI -chip.sago PN Lalindo withdrawn-3 SG . POS this tehine i-kita-o-mo kombia-no lemba ng-koloe-no andio long.time 3 SG -see-3 SG - PERF spouse-3 SG . POS clothing LG -k.o.parrot-3 SG . POS this ‘once Lalindo went sago chipping; while he was away, after some time his wife discovered that parrot clothing of hers’ hawe-no mewinso i-hawe-o-mo dahu arrive-3 SG . POS PART :enter 3 SG -encounter-3 SG - PERF dog ‘upon his arrival inside, he encountered a dog’ 25 [Postscript, p. 177] In the substantive constructions mentioned here, the nexus substantive followed by a possessive suffix is always supported by another word koa ‘only’, andio ‘this’, subordinate infinitive, or whatever. 26 [Postscript, p. 177] The literal rendering of pelonsono andio tii a wure is ‘this jumping of his consisted in descending on the foam’ compare in the first person pelonsoku andio tii a wure; pelonsoku andio tii aku a wure can also be used. Other examples of this construction are: hawe-no i wita um-ala-o minama asa m-pa’a arrive-3 SG . POS at earth PART -get-3 SG areca.nut one LG -bunch ‘when he arrived on the ground, he took a bunch of areca nuts’ hawe-do ira’ai mewinso arrive-3 PL . POS over.there PART :enter ‘when they arrived there they went inside’ Because the arrival with the going inside, etc. are equated, it is thus to be interpreted that between the moment of the arriving and the performance of the mentioned action no time elapsed, but that both coincide. Similar substantive constructions can however also have a reason-giving function, such as appears from the following: [p. 178] mosa’o aroa-no ka i-tunduhi-o nana’ote arau ugly inside-3 SG . POS and 3 SG -hit-3 SG child that.over.there ‘on account of his anger it is that he hits that child’ moro pe’o’osu-ku lahi mo-’angga ka ku-mahaki perhaps work.hard-1 SG . POS exceed PART : TRI -work and 1 SG -sick ‘perhaps it is because I have worked too hard on account of the intensity of my working that I am sick’ However, one also sometimes finds clauses with ‘transposition’ as temporal modifiers, for example: tedoa ira ntu’u m-pom-pemo’ahi do-m-pong-kaa very 3 PL truly PL - TRI -esteem.delicious 3 PL - PL - TRI -eat ‘they feasted delightedly when they ate’ nah-u pon-to’ori inia-do kalamboro, Ama, i-po’ia andio? NEG -2 PL TRI -know village-3 PL . POS people.eater Father 2 PL -live this ‘have you not come to know of any village of people eaters, Father, during the time that you have lived here?’ da u-kodei indi’upua ndi omue koa pepahihi-a-no still 2 SG -small formerly on 2 SG . INDEP only wipe.feet- NZR -3 SG . POS ‘in the past while you were still small, he would just wipe his feet off on you’ lit. ‘…his place-of-wiping was merely you’ nde do-tutuwi-ako-no mata-no i-tekonai me’ana because 3 PL -close- APPL -3 SG eye-3 SG . POS 3 SG -awhile PART :give.birth ‘because they had her eyes closed while she gave birth’ i-’inso-mo 27 hadio mia, wela-o-mo me’umangi 3 SG -from- PERF many people regularly-3 SG - PERF PART :be.windy ‘from that time onwards that people became numerous, it was always windy’ do-’inso-mo n-tepo-hawe andio 3 PL -from- PERF PL - RECIP -encounter this ‘after they had met each other like this’ An example of a transposed substantive construction with reason-giving force is: mokolili ulu-ku ku-pong-kaa padole dizzy head-1 SG . POS 1 SG - TRI -eat pith ‘my head is spinning because I have eaten palm pith’ As has been mentioned previously, sometimes in such a subordinate temporal clause a conjugated form is reduplicated, and which also arose out of ‘transposition’, such as in: 27 [footnote 1, p. 178] See § 148. tehine-o-mo do-po’ia-’ia i Puru ka i Tongke; long.time-3 SG - PERF 3 PL -live PN Quail and PN Hornbill do-po’ia-’ia andio tehine i-tungku-o-mo i Tongke i Puru 3 PL -live this long.time 3 SG -peck-3 SG - PERF PN Hornbill PN Quail ‘Quail and Hornbill had already been living together a long time; while they were so living together, Hornbill pecked Quail’ pohona i Tehu mongura andio i-lako melempa-lempa once PN Rat young this 3 SG -go PART :walk.around i-lako melempa-lempa andio tedoa ntu’u olai 3 SG -go PART :walk.around this very truly far ‘once young Rat went for a walk; as she was so walking around, she went very far’ ‘...this going and walking around of hers was very far’ In temporal limiting clauses of this sort one also finds from time to time use made of anu ka, which usually is to be rendered ‘then’, ‘at the time that’, literally ‘during the circumstance that’ cf. § 207; and repeatedly it is indispensable for sake of clarity. Examples are: nde anu ka i-pe’ana-akami i Ine, because REL and 3 SG -give.birth- APPL :1 PLX PN Mother l[um]ako ira-mo kombia miu anu orua ira PART :go 3 PL - PERF spouse 2 PL . POS REL two 3 PL mo-’ala basu ka do-pokoli kami PART : TRI -get basket and 3 PL -stuff.in 1 PLX ‘because when Mother bore us, your two other wives came and took a carry basket and stuffed us in it’ ka nahi tondu raha-do mokole atuu nde wulaa-no asa and NEG submerged house-3 PL . POS ruler that because gold-3 SG . POS one kuriri i-perawosako-no anu ka i-tekonai opue box 3 SG -scatter-3 SG REL and 3 SG -awhile heavy.rainstorm ‘that the house of the mokole and his people was not sunk, came about because he scattered his one boxful of gold during the heavy rainstorm’ [p. 179] mompu’u anu ka i-mate ana-no, na-m-i hori PART :begin REL and 3 SG -die child-3 SG . POS NEG - PERF -3 SG ever me’aroa n-silolonga PART :have.thought LG -unclear ‘beginning upon that her child died since her child died, she is no longer at all well, out of her mind’ Compare, however: onae-mo ka i-pau-ako-no anu ka i-pom-pepate 3 SG . INDEP - PERF and 3 SG -say- APPL -3 SG REL and 3 SG - TRI -kill singa, ka anu ka i-po-hawe hoani lion and REL and 3 SG - TRI -encounter bee ‘then he told her how the fact that he had killed a lion, and how he had found bees’ 219. In the preceding paragraphs I have given examples of conjugated forms of intransitives and adjectives, such as have arisen from the ‘transposition’ of substantive constructions. This very phenomenon has however given occasion to the occurrence of conjugating prefixes with other word classes, in the first place with numerals, which for that matter exhibit many similarities with adjectives compare the characteristics treated in § 146, of which the conjugating of these words constitutes a counterpart. An example is: nahi tehine do-m-po’ia me’ana-o-mo mbo’u i Sinongi, NEG long.time 3 PL - PL -live PART :give.birth-3 SG - PERF again PN Sinongi ranta ka i-’opitu ana-no, olima tama, orua beine until and 3 SG -seven child-3 SG . POS five male two female ‘they hadn’t lived there long, and Sinongi gave birth again, and so until she had seven children, five boys and two girls’ Moreover one often encounters adverbs in conjugated form, such as in the following examples: ka i-’amba i Lure menee, olai ntu’u i-lako, and 3 SG -then PN Parrot PART :fly.off far truly 3 SG -go ka i-’amba metopa and 3 SG -then PART :perch ‘then Parrot flew off, very far he went, and only then did he alight’ nde ka do-’amba me-lako hieno nahi do-m-pong-kaa 28 because and 3 PL -then PL -go near.past NEG 3 PL - PL - TRI -eat ‘because before they had just then left they had not eaten’ tisomo to-pada mo-wawa sangka-m-petea-to tomorrow 1 PLN -equal PART : TRI -carry thing- LG -make.war-1 PLN . POS ‘tomorrow let’s both bring our weapons’ 28 [footnote 2, p. 179] The usual meaning of ka … amba is ‘and just then, and immediately then, then next’. However one can also make use of a construction with ka … amba in order to render a meaning of ‘before, before that’. Compare also: io To Kangua ka i-’amba moiko do-m-pengesei-o nana’ote CN People Kangua and 3 SG -then good 3 PL - PL -mourn.over-3 SG child kanatuu ba umari-o-mo p[in]o-bite-manu-ako like.that if finish-3 SG - PERF PASS : TRI -break.off-chicken- APPL ‘among the Kangua people, it is permissible to mourn for such a child only if the mobite manuako has been performed prior’ mobite manuako is a ceremony in which the head of a chicken is broken or pulled off with one’s hands, a surrogate for the tewusu death feast; see J. Kruyt 1924:194 ff. anu ka ki-’amba m-pon-tembi ka i-mate i Ine REL and 1 PLX -then PL - TRI -carry.on.back and 3 SG -die PN Mother ‘before that we were just beginning with “carry-on-the-back” in order to transport the harvest when Mother died’ The sequence-indicating force of ka … amba appears in cases such as: pepu’ua-no ka do-’amba tedonta beginning-3 SG . POS and 3 PL -then fallen ‘the beginning the occasion of it that they fell’ tutulu-akune pau-pau-no ka i-’amba hina ueto i Petasia tell- APPL :1 SG story-3 SG . POS and 3 SG -then exist lord at Petasia ‘tell me the story how it happened the circumstances which gave occasion to it that there came to be a king in Petasia’ [Postscript, p. 179] This last sentence can also be rendered ‘…story about the time recently there were mokole in Petasia’, with ka thus standing for anu ka. This substitution is also found in other cases, for example: hapa k[in]ita-mu ka u-lako i ta’ulore indi’upua? what PASS :see-2 SG . POS and 2 SG -go at Pamona some.days.ago ‘what did you see on your trip to Posoland a while ago?’ mia anu mewuni a n-tonto-no nggowu-nggowu person REL PART :hide.oneself at LG -under-3 SG . POS dense.grass nahi komba k[um]ita-o onae NEG by.any.means PART :see-3 SG 3 SG . INDEP ‘he had not seen the man who had hidden himself under the dense grass’ in-ehe-mu ba ku-kutui-ko ka i-liu pingko kutu-mu? PASS -want-2 SG . POS if 1 SG -delouse-2 SG and 3 SG -quickly used.up louse-2 SG . POS ‘would you that I delouse you, so that directly your lice will be gone?’ [p. 180] ba to-wali melere ongkue-mo i wawo-no, if 1 PLN -again PART :have.garden 1 SG . INDEP - PERF at above-3 SG . POS omue i toto-no 2 SG . INDEP at under-3 SG . POS ‘if we put in a garden, I’ll take what is above, and you take what is below’ sompo wongi do-wela lako m-ponako every night 3 PL -regularly go PL -steal ‘every night they regularly went stealing’ na-m-i hori mbo’u sapa l[um]ako mon-saku asa-’asa-no NEG - PERF -3 SG ever again dare PART :go PART : TRI -chip.sago REDP -one-3 SG . POS ‘he no longer dared at all to go sago chipping alone’ In all these cases a participle form of a verb or an adjective follows after the concerned adverb. Thus one here cannot speak of compounding cf. § 140. Constructions such as the above very well could have originated through dissolution of compounding; in each case the conjugated adverb and participle form or adjective following it belong together, 29 and thus one can consider them to be one expression, so that one should thus be able to say that the conjugating prefix does not belong only with the adverb. Also one can say that here one does not have to do with adverbs but rather with adjectives, witness examples with adjectival constructions such as the following: wali-o-mo moiko aroa-no laki’ana-no andio again-3 SG - PERF good inside-3 SG . POS nephew-3 SG . POS this ‘the spirits of this nephew of his improved’ rua wongi-po ka do-me-’amba me-lako two night- INCOMP and 3 PL - PL -then PL -go ‘two nights more, and only then will they set off’ 29 [from footnote 1, p. 180] This does not, or only partly, applies to the constructions with ka … amba, seeing that ka and amba with an intervening pronoun constitute—logically, not syntactically—a single expression. [Postscript, p. 180] Because the independent pronouns stand in one line with the substantives, they can also occur as conjugated forms see § 250, for example: ka i-’ongkue-mo anu l[um]ako and 3 SG -1 SG . INDEP - PERF REL PART :go ‘that I am the one who had gone’ ba i-’ongkue atuu hieno if 3 SG -1 SG . INDEP - PERF that near.past ‘if I had been it just then’ in your place likewise in the future: ta omue, tamo omue ‘you shall, must be it’, etc. [from footnote 1, p. 180] Similarly one also finds ka i’amba omue… ‘and just then you…’, ka i’amba ontae… ‘and just then we…’, etc. onae-mo ka do-me-wela 30 m-po-’ala bou kaanga-do 3 SG . INDEP - PERF and 3 PL - PL -regularly PL - TRI -get fish food-3 PL . POS nde na-m-i hina inisa-do because NEG - PERF -3 SG exist pestled.rice-3 PL . POS ‘then they constantly fetched fish as their food because there was no more of their pestled rice’ Next to this however there are many cases in which the words in question do not behave as adjectives such behavior is rare for example with amba, so that it is better to say that the language does not draw a sharp boundary between adjective and adverb. Even the negative particle tai can be conjugated: iwono-to pu’u-no ka no-tai l[um]eko 3 SG . INDEP - PERF base-3 SG . POS and 3 SG - NEG PART :go ‘that is the reason he did not go’ [Impo] onae-mo pu’u-no ka i-tai l[um]ako 3 SG . INDEP - PERF base-3 SG . POS and 3 SG - NEG PART :go ‘that is the reason he did not go’ [Tinompo] but not nahi ‘not’, namo or nami ‘not any more’, nor napo or napi ‘not yet’, which have the conjugated form following: onae koa ka nahi ku-liu hawe nde molai aku 3 SG . INDEP only and NEG 1 SG -quickly arrive because PART :flee 1 SG ‘therefore I did not directly come because I was fleeing’ Both ka i-da hina… and ka da i-hina… ‘so that it still was…’ etc. occur next to each other in the same meaning. When next to a construction such as: ba kongko-mu mahaki if remain-2 SG . POS sick ‘if you are still sick’ 31 one encounters: ba i-kongko-mu mahaki if 3 SG -remain-2 SG . POS sick this must be an exceptional case see § 347. Consider also the following, which is certainly a Neubildung: tembio ka i-’opaa ira-mo anu k[in]ita-ku arau? why and 3 SG -four 3 PL - PERF REL PASS :see-1 SG . POS that.over.there ‘why is it there are now four whom I see yonder?’ For this latter one can also say: 30 [Postscript, p. 180] See § 324. [footnote 2, p. 180] For that matter one can also have a verb mewela, synonymous with wela or pewela, for example mewela lako mo’ala, also pewela lako mo’ala ‘regularly go fetch’. The form pewela could have originated from mewela, since the conjugated from of mewela would naturally have the verbal noun pewela as its base. Compare: nde i-pewela k[um]aa-no padole-no because 3 SG -regularly PART :eat-3 SG pith-3 SG . POS ‘because again and again he ate up the pith of it’ Compare also w[in]ela-no ‘that which he regularly or continually does’. 31 [footnote 1, p. 429] In similar cases kongko can dialectally have the meaning ‘continually’. tembio ka do-me-’opaa-mo ku-kita ira? why and 3 PL - PL -four- PERF 1 SG -see 3 PL literally, ‘why is it that I see that they are four?’ cf. § 277, in which the numeral is entirely treated as an adjective, and even supplied with the plural prefix me-. Various of the phenomena mentioned in this section are brought to attention again in other connections see for example § 261. 236 [p. 181] CHAPTER SIX. ACTIVE PARTICIPLE FORMS. INDICATION OF THE PLURAL WITH VERBS AND ADJECTIVES. ——————— 220. By active participle forms of verbs one usually understands the forms which in Malay begin with m ng- or b r-, and in Pamona begin with ma-, mo-, or me-, etc., etc., in other words the infinitive forms which do not belong with the passive participles or the verbal nouns the latter of which stand between nouns and verbs. In Mori, active participle forms are used in the following situations: 1 a As noun modifiers this category merges with the following category. For example: limonti monako k.o.ant PART :steal ‘stealing limonti’ a species of large ant buaea mewela mo-rako mia crocodile PART :regularly PART : TRI -grasp person ‘a crocodile which regularly seizes people’ b In relative clauses and clauses to be equated therewith see §§ 209, 200, 202. c In future forms § 150 d As the equivalent of the Dutch active infinitive, whenever an action is spoken of in the general whether there is an object or not, in the function of a subordinate infinitive, just as in related languages or as in the constructions treated near the bottom of p. 177, e.g. mom-pari-pari mekule i raha-no PART : TRI -work.hard PART :return at house-3 SG . POS ‘he hastened to return home’, e.g. ‘he returned home quickly’ kami aiwa mekara-kara-ako io towu miu 1 PLX . FUT come PART :have.lawsuit- APPL CN sugar.cane 2 PL . POS ‘we come to litigate about your sugar cane’ mansa-no l[um]ako um-ala-o at.once-3 SG . POS PART :go PART -get-3 SG ‘then he went taking it’ So also in cases such as: melulu i Oleo buta-o apali PART :leap PN sun extract-3 SG banyan ‘Sun leaped hard to pull out a banyan tree’ ‘…and pulled out a banyan tree’ 1 [footnote 1, p. 181] The usual, unconjugated forms of adjectives occur in the same contexts, leaving out of consideration for now that no difference in form is manifested between an adjective and its corresponding nexus-substantive. i-’ala-o rani andio pudu-o rangka opaa 3 SG -get-3 SG forest.gnome this break.off-3 SG twig four ‘the forest gnome took four twigs to break them off’ ‘…and broke them off’ 2 For more examples, see also among others the examples given in §§ 215 and 217. One can also reckon the cases in §§ 219 and 148 to this group. e The cases mentioned in §§ 143b and 145, to the extent that there occur therein participle forms of intransitive verbs and transitive verbs with indefinite objects.