Finally, mention must be made of one- and two-syllable reduplication as

 nahi otu -’otu mia me-laki olu NEG REDP -break person PL -go:to market ‘continually, without any break people go to the market’  nahi pingko -pingko pau-no NEG REDP -used.up talk-3 SG . POS ‘his words never come to an end’ [p. 80] The prefix te-which forms modal imperatives see § 243 naturally constitutes no part of the word before which it is placed, and thus does not take part in two-syllable reduplication. Examples are:  temara-mararu ‘let it happenbe somewhat often’  temolu-molue ‘take care that it the rice field, for example is somewhat large, expansive’  te-moi-moiko koa da’a ba u-taha-akune gansi-ku atuu VOL - REDP -good just INTENS if 2 SG -carve- APPL :1 SG top-1 SG . POS that ‘take care a bit let it be somewhat good when you cut that top of mine for me’ Here follow yet other sentences as illustration:  da ola -’olai ira, do-kita-o-mo meti still REDP -far 3 PL 3 PL -see-3 SG - PERF oyster ia wiwi-no tahi at edge-3 SG . POS sea ‘when they were yet a bit far off, they saw a meti k.o. shellfish on the seashore’  me-langka-langkai ira-mo nana’ote andio-do PL - REDP -big 3 PL - PERF child this-3 PL . POS ‘these children were somewhat larger’  tedoa mo-holo-holo lere-do ue-ku andio very ADJ - REDP -small dry.field-3 PL . POS lord-1 SG . POS this ‘this unirrigated rice field of my lord is very small of surface area’ 117. Examples of reduplication in adjectives which are onomatopoetic have been given above § 108. Another example of an adjective which is always encountered in reduplicated form is monge-monge ‘stupid’, though compare malumonge ‘a bit stupid’ with prefix malu-; see § 357.

118. Finally, mention must be made of one- and two-syllable reduplication as

A MEANS OF DERIVING ADJECTIVES . Just as in a range of other languages, 24 also in Mori a number of adjectives are encountered which are formed with one- or two-syllable reduplication. One finds one-syllable reduplication with:  bobotoli ‘round’ like a stick, thus of long objects, from the stem botoli; compare moboto ‘press, squeeze together’, see also § 97. The stem botoli is a noun classifier, as in sumpere rua botoli ‘two pumpkins’  bobonggoli ‘round’ like a ball, thus spherical; the word is also used, for example, of eggs, stem bonggoli.  boboko ‘round’ like certain tops, in other words more broad than tall; stem boko apparently not occurring in Mori, originally meaning ‘end, buttock, rump’, compare Pamona boko ‘fat’ 24 [footnote 1, p. 80] For example Banggai Adriani Kruyt 1914:282 and especially Buli cum suis, where Dr. Adriani remarks: “Reduplication indeed appears in this stage of the language to be the usual means of forming adjectives” Adriani Kruyt 1914:319–320.  lolombo ‘soaking wet’; compare molombo ‘wash clothes’, melombo ‘bathe with clothes on’  susua ‘otherwise’; stem sua, as in mensua ‘separate, leave each other’ In the last example the reduplication can have reciprocal meaning compare § 109, in the first three, perhaps that of ‘like…’ ‘like a boko’, etc.. Next to bobonggoli, boboko and lolombo also occur bonggo-bonggoli, boko-boko and lombo-lombo with two- syllable reduplication. Other examples with two-syllable reduplication are:  bolo-bolo ‘with a hole bolo’  lembo-lembo, said of a smooth, even top surface, e.g. lembo-lembo uwoi ‘covered with water’; compare lembo ‘plain’ and a number of expressions which can be derived from verb stems, such as:  siba-siba ‘small’, said of a piece; compare monsiba ‘break off a piece of something’ compare, however, siba ‘chip’  pudu-pudu ‘without projections, protuberances’ be the thing broken off or not; compare mompudu ‘break through’ compare, however, puduno ‘the broken off piece’, that is to say, the smaller piece of something which has been broken through  pole-pole ‘without projections, protuberances’ be it broken off or not; compare mompole ‘transversely cut or hack through’ compare, however, bangka pole ‘a boat without or with only one pointed end, or where on one or on both ends the point has been chopped off’ Two-syllable reduplication also occurs in wewu-wewu ‘turbid, cloudy’ as in:  mansa-no hawe a wuwu-no, da wewu-wewu at.once-3 SG . POS arrive at fish.trap-3 SG . POS still REDP -turbid hanga-no mia anu l[um]ungka-o wuwu-no footprint-3 SG . POS person REL PART :lift-3 SG fish.trap-3 SG . POS ‘when he came to his trap, the footprints of those who had lifted his trap were yet cloudy’ In this example, only where the person had tread was the water turbid; wewu-wewu is thus less strong [p. 81] than mowewu, which would express that the water is entirely cloudy, that its turbidity is an inherent property. Similar patterns are also to be found in:  baho-baho ‘wet’, where the wetness is considered to remain on the outside; compare mobaho ‘wet’, where the wetness has penetrated 25  rea-rea ‘where blood is, blood-stained’; compare merea ‘bleed, bloody’ literally, ‘suffused with blood’. The term merea can also be used in the meaning ‘blood-stained’, for example of clothing or something similar, where the blood has penetrated 26 25 [from main text, p. 81] Compare: da kongko-no baho-baho i-hawe indi’ai still remain-3 SG . POS REDP -wet 3 SG -arrive here ‘while he was still wet, he arrived here One also uses baho-baho, for example, of an article of clothing which is wet from rain. 26 [from main text, p. 81] Compare: The difference between forms with two-syllable reduplication wewu-wewu, baho-baho, rea-rea versus corresponding forms with prefix mowewu, mobaho, merea is comparable to that between -an versus - ĕn in Tontemboan Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:219: the adjective with prefix gives a characteristic which is represented as inherent be it only temporarily so, while the related word with two-syllable reduplication denotes a characteristic which is merely external to it, which does not affect it in its existence. REDUPLICATION WITH OTHER WORD CLASSES. 119. With other word classes, reduplication is of lesser significance. The adverbs connect up with the adjectives, from which for that matter they are mostly not to be differentiated—for example, se’e-se’eluno § 116 is comparable to amba-’ambano ‘in the beginning’ compare amba ‘exactly, next, afterward’, also ‘first’. With numerals, two-syllable reduplication mostly has the latter of the two primary meaning mentioned in § 107, e.g.:  poho-pohona ‘only once’  oru-’orua ira ‘they are only two’  opi-’opia ‘merely so many, so few’ However, this does not apply back in cases such as sompo-sompo ‘every’ and luwu-luwu ‘all’ which is stronger than luwu; see § 291. One-syllable reduplication occurs with distributive numerals § 288. The o- onset of the full forms of the numerals two through nine as in orua ‘two’, otolu ‘three’, etc. likewise originates from one-syllable reduplication see § 283. Other cases of reduplication are mentioned in other connections, especially with the treatment of various of the affixes in Chapter 12. rea-rea kae-do mia REDP -blood hand-3 PL . POS person ‘the people’s hands were blood-stained, blood adhered to them’ 84 [p. 82] CHAPTER THREE. COMPOUNDS. ——————— 120. By ‘compounds’ are here understood expressions which form a unit thus in effect one word, such as becomes clear when derivations are made thereof 1 but which are compounded from two or more heterogeneous elements which also occur independently; in the latter case however not always in precisely the same form, as it occurs repeatedly with compounds that in order to promote unity, the compounding elements undergo certain changes. These modifications are of two sorts: a omission of prefixes, thus shortening of one of the two members, 2 and b prenasalization of the modifying word. Examples follow below. In general it is not easy to determine the border between compounds and non-compounds. Whether one has to do with a notional unity or duality is often very difficult to make out. 3 Just because two words stand in closer relationship to each other than with the rest of the sentence does not mean that they therefore form a compound. Also it is not always easy to ascertain an accent pattern, because in such a case one has to do with one or more secondary stresses, and in practice the difference between primary and secondary stress is difficult to hear. The connection in which the compounding elements bind together can have all sorts of grades of fixity, so that it goes without saying there are many border cases. That I should have always made a correct judgment in the following presentation is hard to believe. In many cases, however, such as shall emerge below, a useful criterion for Mori is the place where the suffixed personal pronoun attaches see § 143 ff.. In Dutch grammar people are in the habit of speaking of ‘separable’ and ‘inseparable’ compounds; in my opinion only the latter deserve the label ‘compound’; the former would be better called ‘com-spellings’. [p. 83] The compounds can be divided into COPULATIVE and DETERMINATIVE . COPULATIVE COMPOUNDS.

121. Copulative compounds do not play a very large role in Mori. Some examples are: