Examples of molo- and malu- are: molowilo ‘somewhat sallow, gray mowilo’
malumonge ‘a bit stupid monge-monge’, also ‘dumb with astonishment’ maluntewe ‘a bit faint motewe’, said of the way in which someone carries himself, thus used in a
figurative sense
tara -.
358. One can speak of a still-living prefix in:
tarasampa also mentarasampa ‘having many branches’ tarawuku also mentarawuku ‘having many knots’
both said of trees; compare the meaning of tara- in Pamona Adriani 1931:248–249 and taha- in Sangir Adriani 1893:75 ff.. It also occurs in verbs, for example montarambepe, the same as mombepe-bepe ‘shiver, tremble’, and
montarangkaku ‘grab, clutch something quickly’ the stem kaku, which in Pamona means ‘grasp with the full hand’, appears no longer to occur in Mori, but in these cases it is entirely dead. See also § 361.
la -.
359. A living prefix la- occurs in words such as:
la’apa Sampalowo; in Tinompo ka’apa ‘a candlenut which does not have any meat, a false-candlenut’, compare mo’apa ‘without meat, empty’
laside or lasi-laside ‘a small remaining candlenut’, compare Sampalowo otede, ote-’otede, oti-’otidi ‘small’
lakuni ‘a ripe candlenut’, compare mongkuni ‘yellow’ langgori ‘a fallen off candlenut, the white pod of which has become free in places’, compare monggori
‘spotted, speckled’ in which la- is an element of the kind described in § 293, and perhaps to be equated with the article la- mentioned
below see however Adriani 1931:261–262. In the words labee, langese, langere ‘cry-baby’, langisi ‘laughing easily’, lata’i ‘given to defecating’, la’eme ‘given to urinating’, in which the meaning of la- corresponds to that of
ba- or mara-, certainly these are one and the same element. [p. 346]
The la- which is often encountered in men’s names must have been borrowed from Bugis,
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where it is not—as has usually been adopted—the well known honorific particle indeed the l argues against this, but rather without
doubt it is a shortening from laso or laco ‘penis’. In Tinompo it is not only this element and the corresponding
54
[footnote 1, p. 346] One also finds men’s names with lahu- see § 78, such as Lahumode, Lahuntanggi, but these are limited to certain locales Watu, Padoe, etc..
formative we- found in women’s names
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which have been borrowed from Bugis, but also most proper names themselves, though often in quite corrupted form.
ta -.
360. A living prefix ta- does not occur in Tinompo, but it does in other Mori dialects. It must be a shortening of
tahu, which is also used in Tinompo and in compounds is placed with the names of utensils, tools, etc. in order to denote an old, worn-out, sometimes still usable, sometimes kaput, no longer usable token thereof, for example:
tahu lemba ‘an old, worn-out jacket’ tahu ngkuro ‘an old cook pot, a kaput cook pot’
tahu nsala ‘an old, no longer maintained path’ tahu mia ‘a good-for-nothing individual’
etc. That this tahu is not a prefix appears from the fact that it can also be suffixed with third singular -no as in tahu-no-mo koa ‘already just a tatter’. The prefix ta- has precisely the same meaning in the dialects, thus Upper
Mori talemba, takuro, tamia, also:
taboru ‘an old, worn-out rain mat’ ta’ato ‘worn-out roofing’
talabu ‘an old chopping knife’ taninahu Impo, Molongkuni ‘cooked rice gone bad’
tawuantiwo Impo ‘rotten banana’ talambu Watu ‘an old, worn-out jacket’
tawea Watu ‘bad pestled rice’ Often such expressions are used in anger.
Once in a while one also finds similar forms in Tinompo, but these have been borrowed, e.g. tamia see above, talewengkeu, a designation for people in the sense of mere, insignificant mortals from lewengkeu ‘tree leaf’; in
animistic prayers and the like the Upper Mori form talewekau is used. The Molongkuni dialect exhibits a curious phenomenon, where the names of various utensils but not all have
the prefix ta- in front, for example: [p. 347]
tahawu ‘sarong’
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[footnote 2, p. 346] In poetry we- is used without respect to gender in the sense of pake-, namely in the sense of pompopo’ama or pompopo’ine, teknonyms which one gives to oneself and which are sometimes kept one’s entire life namely in
the concerned songs, for example Amani Wempaguru ‘Father of Trainer’, Amani Wentarasi ‘Father of Cutter Off’ poetical synonym for ‘who is the boss of others’, etc. At the time when one chooses such a name one is still not yet married and the
names Wempaguru, etc. thus do not refer to existing children, though sometimes they are later given to newborns. Thus in Tinompo there is a man who is called Wentarasi, because his father in his younger days had named himself Amani Wentarasi.
Besides we-, the formative wa- is also encountered in female proper names in Mori. This latter is not known in Bugis and perhaps is original to Mori—compare wai ‘feminine’ of animals, and irowai Upper Mori, Watu ‘woman’. However Bugis wa’,
short form of ua’ ‘aunt’, is well known in connection with names.
talemba ‘jacket’ tapiso ‘knife’
ta’owu ‘machete’ takuro ‘cook pot’
takadu ‘sack for holding betel-nut necessities’ tasipi ‘tongs’
ta’eko ‘plaited rattan pedestal for setting cook pots on’ tabingga ‘kind of small basket’
tasau ‘sunhat’ elsewhere hawu, lemba, etc., next to names of everyday objects without ta-, for example holue ‘a small scoop for
cooked rice’, supe ‘needle’, ahui ‘water bamboo’, wuwu ‘trap’, sa’u ‘kind of basket’, etc. Perhaps the reason for the non-occurrence of ta- in the second category of words is to be sought in the fact that these are less qualified for the
use of ta- in its original sense, from which this use in Molongkuni has probably developed.
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Compare also Pamona ronto ‘a worn-out, threadbare article of clothing, a tattered rag of a thing’, originally meaning ‘refuse, waste’,
57
which in the Ampana dialect of Pamona is the usual word for ‘sarong’. For that matter the meaning ‘old, worn-out token of what is denoted by the stem’ is also characteristic of Molongkuni ta- in order to distinguish them one says
for example, talemba tokoa su’u ‘a real jacket’. Impo and Molongkuni taboloki ‘unmarried old woman’ and tabangkele ‘old woman’, actually pejorative terms, but also used in the sense of boloki and bangkele which are also
encountered in Tinompo, are examples of transition cases.
tuma -, suma-.
361. In a number of cases there occurs a prefix tuma- or suma-, which has a plural meaning,
