mo’o’owi Impo, Molongkuni ‘brood’, Molio’a moo’owi, Padoe umo’owi, Malay ĕram, Ibatan ageb, Pamona o’o compare also § 80
wo’u Upper Mori ‘new’, Malay baru For wo’u Tinompo has wo’ohu, which could very well stand for wo’o’u.
104
At any rate, next to wo’ohu occurs the doublet mbo’u ‘also, again’, compare Pamona wo’u ‘also’, da wo’u ‘still new’.
97. A reflex l may occur in the following. That the examples given here are very doubtful scarcely requires
mentioning. medulu ‘help each other with agricultural work’, in Padoe ‘do or have something together’, Pamona juyu
‘posses or perform jointly’, Toba Batak urup, Ngaju Dayak dohop botoli, numeral classifier for longish-round objects, bobotoli ‘round’ see § 118, provided at any rate that
it is cognate with Malay, Batak bulir, Tagalog botil, etc., which have i in the last syllable
98. One can adopt that the oldest reflex of the R-G-H sound in Mori is r for the present leaving out of
consideration of what nature that r initially must have been. Compare doublets such as waro and wea, ihu and orusu, ure and ia, seami and sorami. After it became r, the longer the more weakened the R-G-H sound became. In
this respect Mori corresponds with Pamona. The primary difference is that in Mori the y, which in most cases reflected the typical sound, coalesced with a preceding or following vowel, versus in Pamona, where the y—though
it must also have the primary reflex in a former stage of the language—was almost always lost. Another marked difference is that Mori has far fewer examples which exhibit g. Now having a g as reflex is a Philippine
characteristic, so that one might suppose that Mori, which is more Philippine in character than Pamona, would also exhibit more g’s. Pamona, however, is to be considered the last in a chain of languages, which beginning in
Mongondow, course around the Tomini Bay first in a westerly, then southerly, then easterly direction see § 9, and in which the terrain of g gradually drops off. The bridge between Mori and the Philippine languages, runs through
Loinan cum suis § 9, and when we search for g in this direction, then it emerges that it first makes its appearance in Bobongko, a Loinan idiom on the Togian Islands Adriani Kruyt 1914:276. Loinan, just like
[p. 65] Pamona,
mostly has
NO
consonant in the place of the typical sound, Balantak has r Adriani Kruyt 1914:276, while Banggai lacks r, mostly replacing it—along with the R-G-H sound—with l Adriani Kruyt 1914:281.
How then should one interpret the course of the weakening process pictured above? Must one conclude from the occurrence of g next to y that the first stage was an originally burred r, the second g, the third y, in other
words that y originated from palatalization of g? A more plausible scenario to me is that the g-forms are to be explained as belonging to another language stratum, another language element than the y-forms, just as the
examples with l to the extent they are valid also must be explained as dialect forms or something similar. Precisely in this respect doublets are of importance: in many cases they belong to different dialects, and often precisely Padoe
differs, which language certainly consists of a Mori and a non-Mori element. More than once glottal stop occurs in the place of an elided sound see § 79, and is thus a late reflex. The same can probably be said about h § 95, on
the basis of the cases exhibited by these consonants.
The R-L-D law.
99. Just as in Pamona and many other languages, in Mori this sound rule must be split in two, namely into an
r-type and a y-type. The r-type corresponds with Conant’s Non-G-type, and the y-type with his G-type Conant 1915:10. Lafeber 1922:24–27, 35–39 names these types A and B. Not all forms, however, can be brought under
one of these two categories.
100. G
ROUP
A. Examples of the first group with r are:
104
[Postscript, p. 51] Alternatively but less likely, wo’ohu could be metathesized from woho’u see § 33, thus corresponding with Malay b
ĕharu. See footnote 2, p. 349.
aro ‘front side’, Malay hadap, Javanese arĕp this example is questionable, since Dempwolff gives Malayo-Polynesian had
ĕp gire, kire Impo ‘eyebrow’, Pamona, Sa’dan Toraja kire, Tagalog kilai, Iloko kidai
mongura ‘young’, Malay muda, Sundanese ngora this example is questionable, since Dempwolff gives Malayo-Polynesian uda
ura ‘shrimp’, Malay udang, Javanese urang, Tagalog ulang moturi ‘sleep’, see § 91γ
wure ‘foam’, Nias buehö, Javanese uruh, Ibanag bugak
105
moburi ‘write’, Pamona wuri ‘charcoal’, Tagalog uling, Iloko oging mokorara ‘warm’ of the warmth produced by fire, and morarami ‘warm something by the fire’ in order
to cook or roast it, Pamona rara, Malay radang, Tontemboan dadang, Gayo daring, Negrito yarang laro ‘inside’, if at any rate one may adopt that it has been metathesized from ralo, Pamona raya, Malay
dalam; compare Mori ondalo ‘deep’, in which nd is the prenasalized form of r
106
[p. 66] ro- and -ro Upper Mori, Watu-Karunsi’e, respectively prefix and suffix possessive forms of the third
person plural pronoun, Malay -da, Javanese sira, Philippine languages sira, sila, sida,
107
Pamona ra-. Variant do, see below. Moiki and Tiu have as prefix ndo- as suffix, -do, just like Tinompo, which is not a
variant, but a prenasalized ro- less likely a prenasalized do- orua ‘two’, Malay dua, Javanese ro
rui ‘thorn’, see § 922α, doublet perhaps luria, see § 93α moronge ‘hear’, see § 91γ, doublet perhaps modonge, see below
rea ‘blood’, see § 91α meraka ‘located flat against each other’, and momporaka with preposition ‘place flat next to each other’,
Malay, Gayo d ĕkat, Tagalog dikit, Bisaya dokot
A doubtful example is the stem ure, in mo’ureki ‘sail upstream, follow a river upstream sailing or walking’, Malay udik, Javanese u
ḍik, Bugis urai’. The following examples exhibit d:
do- and -do, used in the standard dialect Tinompo in place of ro- and -ro, see above a fuller form, however, runs ira; see § 142
105
[Postscript, p. 65] Following Adriani 1931, the examples wure and buri are, placed under Group A because they exhibit r, even though on the basis of their equivalents in other languages they deserve to be brought under Group B § 101.
106
[footnote 5, p. 65] It appears that in Mori and Pamona stems, an l can never follow a syllable which begins with r. [Postscript, p. 65] The given derivation of ondalo is placed outside of doubt by the Bungku form olaro ‘deep’. Compare also
dalo in Mori ana dalo ‘fetus’, which could be considered another variant with d.
107
[footnote 1, p. 66] Compare Mori ira, another form of the third person plural pronoun; see § 142.
mapeda, said of something which causes a burning pain, such as fire or certain skin diseases, if at any rate it is to be identified with Javanese p
ĕ ḍĕs, Malay pĕdas, Toba Batak pogos ‘poor’; compare § 37, and the
doublet poe below modoko ‘gluttonous’, Malay dĕkap, Sangirese daku’, Buol dokopo, Mongondow rakup, Philippine
languages dak ĕp
108
modonge Watu ‘deaf, mischievous’,
109
perhaps a doublet of moronge ‘hear’, which has then acquired an ironic meaning
110
datu, this word contains in its first syllable the same the same honorific element which in the plural pronominal prefix and suffix runs ro and do see above.
111
In the principal Mori dialect the prefix and the suffix exhibit d; in Pamona, which likewise has datu, only r and nd occur in the prononominal forms. In each case the d of Datu is irregular, and on this basis Dr. Adriani 1928:s.v.
supposed that the word was borrowed from Bugis.
112
Pleading against this, however, is both the general distribution of the word and its meaning in various languages of Central Celebes.
113
The deviant form can be explained from this, that as a title—thus more or less as a proper name—it was less subject to change in form than other words. In
Mori sometimes one finds i Datu, thus constructed as a proper name, but mostly Datu is used as a title thus without the article i. In folk stories not only does Datu occur as the head of a village or group, but Datu is also used as the
appellation for someone whose name is not further known. In Pamona stories Datu does not carry any connotation of a ruler or princely character. He is more of a hero or warrior, and his father and mother are
[p. 67] not indicated
as royalty but simply as Ta Datu ‘Father of Datu’ and Indo i Datu ‘Mother of Datu’ Adriani Kruyt 1914:392. In Sa’dan Toraja Datu often occurs in proper names Van der Veen 1924:53–54, and in the attached story Van der
Veen 1924:54 ff. the monarch, who appears to be a big blockhead, has very little royal character. One gets the impression that a word which originally must have been a high title has over time been brought down to a
designation for someone who has no known name. In any case, the similarity in meaning between Bugis datu and dato’ is not very great. Also, d is not the usual representation of the R-L-D sound in Bugis.
Concerning luria ‘durian’, in which the typical sound is represented by l, see § 93 α.
101. G
