Although s thus reflects both voiceless as well as voiced stops,

In the three last examples taso, sala and seu, s occurs in the place of the sound of the R-L-D law see § 102. This makes it presumable that the change of j or ḍ to s is of relatively recent age, compare also the occurrence of Mori s where Pamona has a j, where it can be demonstrated that the j is secondary, e.g. in Mori ase ‘chin’, Pamona aje, Tombulu, Tondano, Bada, Sangirese are, Bentenan arey, Tonsea ade’, Ponosakan, Mongondow ayoy; 69 likewise in Mekongga kasu, Pamona kaju, Malay kayu ‘wood’.

70. Although s thus reflects both voiceless as well as voiced stops,

TO A CERTAIN EXTENT one can consider d to be its voiced counterpart; compare above with § 68. The alternation of s and d is then to be compared to that between s c, etc. and j. Thus soe ‘swing’ alternates with doe ‘hanging’ see §§ 64 and 67. The dunggurio ‘oriole’ is named sanggurio in Pamona. Upper Mori dei, term of address for girls in poetry used for ‘woman’ is probably intentional deformation of sele ‘vagina’ or some other form of this word, compare Parigi tile, Pamona leti, and therefrom again todedi for a small child of the female sex. 70 Naturally, the alternation of s and d can also be compared, for example, to the alternation between j and d in Pamona. Thus one finds, for example, for Mori monsaka ‘cook in water’, Ampana, Pu’u-mboto jaka ‘id.’, next to Pamona daka ‘hotchpotch’ which however could be borrowed from Napu, Tontemboan rakan, Tonsea dakan. Corresponding to Pamona kenjo ‘crippled, lame’ is Mori mokensa and monggesa, but of which perhaps Mori kedo is a doublet—compare mekedo-kedohako ‘proceed with here and there twisting motions of upper and lower body’— just as in Pamona kejo and kenjo occur next to each other. Also dale and osole see § 65 are another example. Where s alternates with g such as in monsalo ‘mix’, Pamona galo, one could also speak of an alternation of j and g. Another example is Mori mosongka ‘measure’, Pamona jangka, Bugis gangka. An example of the reverse is Mori nggori ‘figures, markings’ for example on a snakeskin, 71 Bugis jori’ and cori’. 71. In borrowed words s corresponds to s, c and other sounds related to s, e.g.: sakosii ‘witness’, Malay saksi; sanaa, Bugis s ĕnnang or [p. 50] Malay s ĕnang; saa ‘mark’, Bugis ca’ or Malay cap; sele-sele ‘striped material’, Bugis cele’ presumably reduplicated because of sele ‘vagina’; sarasaa ‘sergeant’, basose ‘constabulary’. An initial s has been lost in: amu, Molongkuni samu ‘fungus of the aren palm’; me’usu, Upper Mori, Pamona mesusu ‘crawl into or under something’; mo’oso ‘suck out’, compare monsoso ‘suck up, smoke’; uho ‘periwinkle’, Pamona, Sa’dan Toraja suso, Bada huho’. Possibly the s first became h before eliding. 72. The sound s has often become h, see § 76. On the other hand, s has sometimes originated from t, especially in Upper Mori Adriani 1900:290. In Tinompo this sound change is especially but not exclusively to be observed where a palatal sound has made its influence felt. Examples from Tinompo are cases of both s and ns are considered here together:  ensea ‘lime’, Pamona tentea; see Adriani 1900:290 regarding the derivation of this word  monsewo ‘declining swinging’ e.g. grass, Pamona sewo, Napu tewo  sele ‘vagina’, Parigi tile  sowi ‘rice knife’, Malay tuai  sumpere ‘pumpkin’, Pamona tampere compare however § 34 69 [footnote 1, p. 49] In this way there arises a SECONDARY r ~ s alternation, not to be confused with the r ~ s correspondence mentioned in § 73. 70 [Postscript, p. 49] The derivation given here for dei—which is sometimes also said to or in reference to older women—is perhaps incorrect; compare Bisaya day, inday, term of address for girls, and Mori kodei ‘small’, ‘dear’. See however Adriani 1928:s.v. under dei 2 and dedi. 71 [footnote 2, p. 49] See § 54.  sampu ‘covered’, Upper Mori and Pamona tampu The doublets keti and kesi are onomatopoetic for the sound of iron striking against stone. 73. It seems not improbable to me that there also existed an alternation between r and s. The examples, however, are not sufficiently satisfying to consider this sound alternation as established. 72 Compare in Mori:  monsese ‘carve, cut, cut off’ of one or more slices or slabs, Molongkuni monsere ‘kill by a cut through the neck’  monsesewi ‘cut’ of piece goods in order to make an article of clothing therefrom, Molio’a monserei  se’elu ‘first’, Impo, Molongkuni le’eru, Mekongga le’esu  wuru enge ‘snore’ as a personal quality or ailment, compare Pamona wusu ‘crammed, full’, Mori boso enge ‘stopped up in the nose’ as ailment  mengere ‘put on a crying face’ and mengese ‘cry’ ns. 74. Original ns occurs in old words, such as sinsi ‘ring’, Malay cincin, Old Javanese simsim with root reduplication; lansa, a tree, the fruit of which is called wua lansa, Malay lansat; mopansari ‘shine, radiate’, Malay pancar. 73 Mostly ns has originated from prenasalization of s, for example: Karunsi’e, the name of a people group and a village, literally ‘the posts karu of the rice barn si’e’; monsalo ‘mix’, compare mesalo ‘mixed’; sinsi nsalaka ‘ring of silver salaka’; [p. 51] gansi ‘top’, Malay, Bugis gasing; ensami Sampalowo, a species of sour mango, Javanese as ĕm. Regarding gansi and ensami, see § 20 β. Examples of original ns at the beginning of a stem are not known to me. Concerning ns which has originated from nt, see § 72; concerning ns which corresponds with nj, see § 69. h. 75. In Mori h is either original, or has arisen from s, or has secondarily been inserted or prefixed. α. Original h is especially encountered in onomatopoeia and interjections, such as hiia, interjection of disappointment; hiini, huuru, interjections used in pleasant cases, ‘ah’; humbaa ‘peek-a-boo’; humba’i ‘I-know-it’; 74 humbee, huu’u ‘yes’; hei ‘hey there’ said to someone doing something wrong; also used to draw attention to something; hoi, interjection of surprise. 76. β. An original s is often—though far from always—changed into h. Doublets occur with some frequency, e.g.: 72 [Postscript, p. 50] That alternation between r and s has indeed occurred in related languages emerges from Van der Tuuk 1864-1867:74, Kats 1917:144 and Van der Veen 1924:12. [footnote 4, p. 50] Compare also Brandes 1884:135–136 and Conant 1915:9–10 though s as reflex of the R-G-H and R-L-D laws is not original. Brandes 1884:51 incorrectly identifies Bugis s ĕbbu with Malay ribu, etc., compare Mori sowu ‘thousand’ next to riwu ‘ten thousand’ likewise in Pamona and its close relations. The form sowu is probably an old alternate of riwu, or else a word that denotes a great number in general compare Mori howu ‘heap’. It is, however, not impossible that sowu and riwu hang together, namely as doublets. See also § 69. 73 [footnote 5, p. 50] Compare footnote 1, p. 48. 74 [Translator’s note: Dutch weet-ik-’t. According to my own Mori informants, humba’i means ‘who knows? I don’t know’.]  paho ‘dibble stick’, mompaho ‘plant’ originally ‘make dibble holes’, and paso ‘wedge, nail’  hawu ‘sarong’ and sawu ‘cotton piece goods’  howu ‘heap’ and sowu ‘thousand’  hala ‘debt, fine; remainder of a distribution’ and sala ‘amiss, wrong’  mohodu ‘hiccup’ and sonsodu ‘sob’  mehimpo ‘sit with a leg on each side of the body’, and basimpa ‘sit with the legs crossed in front of oneself and the knees down’ Further examples of the change of s into h are: mo’aha ‘sharpen’, Malay asah; mo’ahi ‘delicious, sweet’, Malay asin the original meaning thus corresponds to Dutch hartig ‘salt; hearty meal’; ahu ‘smoke’, Philippine languages asu, asuk; mobaho ‘wet’, Malay basah; mahaki ‘sick’, Malay sakit; hulu ‘resin, torch’, Malay suluh; kuhe ‘marsupial’, Pamona, Tontemboan kuse; etc. etc. See also Adriani 1900:291. 77. γ. An h alternates with glottal or no consonant primarily intervocalically. Whenever an h occurs between two vowels, this is an intermediate stage between a hiatus in other words, glottal stop and no hiatus thus when in the orthography no consonant is written, even though a soft glide sound is heard, because the h distinguishes itself by its gliding character Jespersen 1920:91, 93 ff.. Especially where prefixes or suffixes are attached, often such an h occurs, and furthermore in some words it replaces, just like glottal stop, an elided consonant. Glottal stop and h alike are, especially at the ends of words, often [p. 52] the remnants of faded away, more forceful fellow consonants. Examples are among others kohana Upper Mori, heard for koana ‘right’, and the h which in some dialects appears between the stem and certain suffixes, among others -ako and -o see §§ 143, 380 and 388. In this context Tinompo already employs the unwritten glide, which is of the same character as the last vowel of the stem, while back in Molongkuni speakers prefer inserting a glottal stop. In mompahihi Tinompo and mompaisi Molongkuni ‘wipe off’, an l or perhaps a y arising therefrom was elided compare Pamona mampalisi, the place of which has been taken by h in Tinompo. Regarding tamahi and ramai, see § 95. Another example is perhaps Upper Mori hiewi ‘yesterday’, Tinompo indiawi; see § 95. Other examples of the alternation of h and glottal stop are:  halo ‘charcoal’, Pamona ayo, Malay areng  hadio and adio ‘many’; the stem dio is presumably identical to ndio ‘be here’ §§ 172, 178 ff., which in Padoe where it has the form nio is used for ‘there is, there are’. The form adio is thus probably entirely comparable with mare’e ‘much, many’ see § 39, which is also formed from a stem meaning ‘there is, there are’. This stem is probably itself identical to that of adio, because mare’e goes back to maria § 80, and ndio to ndia § 193, which is nothing other than the prenasalized form of ria § 19.  hahi and a’e, stems meaning ‘rub’; compare also the Impo stem kaki ‘rub in one direction’  hoio Molio’a, ho’io Impo, Molongkuni, etc. next to Padoe oio, all third person singular independent pronouns see § 162; here the h is secondary, compare § 167.  wo’ohu ‘new’ could very well reflect wo’o’u via consonant dissimilation; see § 96 Finally, something must be said about the h in words which originally began with a bilabial [w] compare § 48, such as hoani ‘bee’, Pamona uani, which go back to wani with a bilabial [w]. For that matter the word for ‘eight’, which likewise originally began with a bilabial [w], sounds oalu, but Impo and Molongkuni have hoalu, while in Tinompo the form halu occurs in compounds see § 278. And finally the Mori word haka ‘root’ Malay akar must be considered, witness Duri waka, Buli South Halmahera waa, Tae’ uwaka, Winua uaka. 75 For ‘root’, Mamuju and Mandar have uhaka, but these languages often have h for w Adriani Kruyt 1914:147–148, 156, 159. The most plausible explanation for the h of haka, hoani, and hoalu seems to me to be provided by comparison with English, where words such as while, when, which—in general, words which are spelled with wh— [p. 53] at least in some portions of the language area are pronounced [hw] Jespersen 1920:99. Evidently the bilabial [w] has an inclination to develop a voiceless onset. The stem haka could stand for hoaka or hwaka, just as halu stands next to hoalu. 78. An h has disappeared in Watu lau or lau-lau, term of address etc. for small boys, from lahu ‘penis’. Glottal stop. 79. In the first place glottal stop is heard at the beginning of words about which one would be tempted to say begin with a vowel, because glottal stop is not written in this position. However, a distinction must be made between words of which the initial glottal stop constitutes an essential part, and words in which a phonetic glottal stop occurs only when the phonetic circumstances make this necessary, in other words when it is not immediately preceded by another word. To be sure, with this second category of words a glottal stop is produced in the appropriate circumstances, but the occurrence of glottal stop is entirely non-arbitrary. Also the sound originating in this way also differs somewhat from the usual glottal stop e.g. in the borrowed word iari ‘yard’ which begins with a weak sound that inclines toward h, versus iapi ‘swollen spleen’ with a rather forceful glottal stop. In Tinompo all concerned stems very regularly begin with a genuine glottal stop for the stems of intransitives and adjectives which must occur with a prefix—and where one could also explain the glottal stop which occurs between prefix and stem as glottal insertion between vowels—an appeal must be made by analogy with transitive verbs, which have genuine glottal stops in the imperative, and in forms with -in-, etc.. Besides the just mentioned borrowed word iari for yari, only a few exceptions to this rule are known to me, and which are found in particular circumstances. Although many of these also come up for discussion later, they are: the demonstratives andio, atuu, arau, etc., the pronominal prefixes u- ‘you’ and i- ‘he, she, it, you pl.’, the article o with io the occurrence of glottal stop appears to be optional, and the prefixes which have lost their initial m see §§ 31 and 81. The prepositions a and i and the locative adverbs indi’ai ‘here’, etc. and other adverbs beginning therewith are sometimes articulated with, but usually without glottal stop, while the forms itolu ‘three nights’, etc. mentioned in § 281 always have a glottal stop onset. Both articulations are also possible with the article for proper names i, and likewise with the future forms iko ‘you’, ita ‘he, she, it’ and ikomiu ‘you all’, which can also run ko, ta and komiu, and which thus people evidently consider to contain the article i which is etymologically correct for iko and ikomiu. The future forms aku ‘I’ and ira ‘they’ on the other hand always have a glottal stop onset. 76 75 [footnote 2, p. 52] Duri is a dialect of the Masenrempulu, Sa’dan Toraja group Adriani Kruyt 1914:143–144. [footnote 4, p. 52] The language of the To Winua negative term: baoria is a nearly extinct idiom in Napu. In Buli waa, the intervocalic k has elided Adriani Kruyt 1914:311. 76 [Postscript, p. 53] A further question is whether this situation is original. Regarding Pamona, Adriani says “because the word with its prefix constitutes a unit, one should suppose it would be normal for the glottal stop to die away” 1931:85, from which supposition it follows that the onset glottal stop, speaking in general, does not constitute an essential part of the word. This could well be correct for Pamona, and likewise have been the original situation in Tinompo, such as is probably made clear by the exceptions to the rule exhibited in Pamona and which—apart from words in which glottal stop has taken the place of an elided consonant or in which the stem contains more than two syllables—in the main consist of derivations of onomatopoetic words or forms comparable therewith, and forms which are articulated with emphasis or a certain emotion, in other words cases in which it is important to do clear justice to the stem words as such. This does not happen when the glottal stop is omitted, because then either a glide sound is formed, which affects the sound symbolism of the stem, or else the latter actually forms a closer unit with the prefix. If this process goes on, then even for usual stems of various sorts people begin to feel the drawbacks of immediately following a prefix with an onset vowel one after the other, so then glottal stops become inserted everywhere, and thus originates the situation which presently exists with a few exceptions in Tinompo. That this latter is not original can also be derived from words such as mouleule ‘continually go back and forth’, mompuai ‘dry in the sun’, moiko ‘good’, etc. see the beginning of § 81. In some dialects a glottal stop is heard with the attaching of a As emerges from the above discussion, when a consonant has ‘elided’ at the beginning of a word, this means that it has been replaced by a glottal stop. A glottal stop sometimes also replaces a lost consonant in the middle of a word, e.g. in sara’u ‘a kind of fish trap which one sets down over the fish’, Malay s ĕrĕkap and sĕrĕkup, in which glottal stop has taken the place of k. Other examples are ta’u ‘year’, ta’i ‘excrement’, monta’o ‘set’ traps, etc., pa’a ‘thigh’, pa’o ‘chisel’, pu’u ‘stem, stand, base, foot, origin, cause’, mopa’i ‘bitter, salty’ and ra’i ‘forehead’, compare respectively Malay tahun, tahi, tahan, paha, pahat, pohon, pahit and dahi. Concerning the alternation of h and glottal stop, see § 77. 80. In a number of words vowel splitting has taken place, in which a glottal stop occurs between the vowels. Thus in mare’e ‘much, many’, Pamona maria, compare Pamona re’e ‘there is, there are’, Ampana ree from ria see § 39; osi’i next to osii vetitive particle, Pamona jii, etc. see § 30; da’a and nde’e, longer forms of the particles da and nde see § 30; etc. More curious than splitting of long vowels is the glottal insertion which occurs in some, mostly dialectal words, between vowels which DIFFER from each other. Thus the deictic pronouns rau and lou are pronounced ra’u and lo’u in Tiu, likewise arau and alou as ara’u and alo’u in place of Tinompo tuu and atuu Tiu speakers also say tu’u and atu’u; see § 172 ff. However, it is not entirely certain that the Tiu forms have arisen from forms without glottal stop, even though the corresponding forms in other dialects as well as Pamona have no glottal stop. No doubt is possible concerning the glottal stop in Molio’a pa’u, 77 Tinompo, Pamona, etc. pau ‘that which someone says’, or in ta’u lore ‘Pamona speakers’. The latter is a foreign [p. 54] word. 78 In this connection, the way in which suffixes are attached is of importance, concerning which more is said in the respective sections of Chapter 12. 81. When a prefix is placed before a stem which begins with a ‘vowel’, in Tinompo the rule applies that the glottal stop REMAINS PRESERVED . Only certain exceptions are known to me, such as mompuai ‘expose to the warmth of the sun’, from stem ai plus prefix po-; and moiko ‘good’, which appears to be formed from the stem iko; also in certain numeric expressions ialu ‘eight nights’, pealu ‘eight times’, in uai ‘younger brother or sister’ with honorific prefix tu-, and others. On the other hand no glottal stop is inserted in Tinompo between a stem and a suffix with only certain exceptions. The manner in which suffixes are attached is discussed further in Chapter 12. In the dialects, these rules are followed much less regularly. Of all Mori dialects probably Molongkuni exhibits a maximum of glottal stops, as glottal stop is regular even with the attachment of some suffixes. In Molio’a, on the other hand, even the glottal stops which occur between a prefix and a stem often fall away, while a minimum is reach in Mosilu, which in general has no glottal stops. Concerning the personal pronouns which in certain cases are added after verbs, adjectives, etc. see § 143 ff., in Tinompo aku ‘I’ and ira ‘they’ always have a glottal stop preceding, o ‘he, she, it’ on the other hand never. Perhaps this is to be ascribed to the fact that o is enclitic, and thus stands in closer relationship to the word which it follows. The dialects, however, give little weight to these considerations, as in some villages o is suffixed with glottal stop, and elsewhere ira and aku without. When a syllable which begins with glottal stop is reduplicated, the glottal stop is preserved both in the reduplicating as well as the reduplicated syllable, e.g. mo’o’anu ‘ashamed’. 79 Glottal stop is also preserved in prefix, but not back in other cases, but the explanation for this cannot be given without further research. That the dialect of the To Mosilu in the village of Betania in general has no glottal stop is certainly not original. 77 [footnote 3, p. 53] Known to me only in derived forms. [Postscript, p. 53] By itself, this word can also be pronounced pau in Molio’a. 78 [footnote 1, p. 54] Mori ta’u lore is borrowed from Pamona tau lore ‘people of the uplands’. The word tau still occurs in Mori only in the contracted form to in names of people groups, and is no longer felt to mean ‘people’. 79 [Postscript, p. 54] That with reduplication a glottal stop remains preserved is not a fixed rule, compare mou’unde next to mo’u’unde ‘take pleasure in’, kui’ineheakono next to ku’i’ineheakono ‘I am pleased by it’, likewise ii’ineheakono often shortened to i’ineheakono ‘he is pleased by it’, but this represents sound weakening. Tinompo in two-syllable reduplication, e.g. elu-’elu ‘orphan’, mo’ia-’ia ‘remain’, mompe’anu-’anu ‘be proud, fancy oneself’, ai-’aiwa ‘try to come’, ua-’uai ‘the youngest’ of a family, etc. Exceptions are maama ‘uncle’, which originates via truncation of amaama, and naina ‘aunt’ from inaina, which two words belong to an older stage of the language. They are derived compare § 108 from respectively ama ‘father’ and ina, an older form of ine ‘mother’ in Padoe the word for ‘aunt’ is neine. The expression for ‘now’, kanandio andio, in which also no glottal stop is heard, is not formed by reduplication in the usual sense of this word, but arises from two words compare §§ 79 and 177. Words beginning with a glottal stop sometimes lose their glottal onset when they occur in a clause, thus preceded by another word. [p. 55] In the practice of the spoken language, sound weakening is a normal phenomenon. Under sounds which often fall victim to this belong rightly in the first place glottal stop and h. In fast speech, which is the norm in daily living, the loss of glottal stop is often difficult even to ascertain. As mentioned in § 79, however, there are certain forms of which the glottal stop onset does not constitute an essential part, and thus is regularly elided. Some examples hereof are: da ‿indi’upua onae nahi do-hori m-pebatatana mia still formerly 3 SG . INDEP NEG 3 PL -ever PL -do.forced.labor person ‘formerly when it was yet formerly, the people never performed any corvée’; nde ‿i-kona aku because 3 SG -hit 1 SG ‘because he has hit me’; hapa ke ‿u-polai-ako? what INTERROG 2 SG -flee- APPL ‘what are you fleeing for, why are you going so hard on the way?’. A glottal can also be omitted from before the prepositions i and a, e.g. kapala ‿i Tinompo ‘the village head of Tinompo’, Guru ‿i Beteleme ‘the Teacher at Beteleme’, melempa‿a nsala ‘go on the way’, etc. Even less does a glottal stop occur in the compounding of the prepositions i and a, which in Tinompo produces ia, in Padoe and Watu-Karunsi’e and also in poetry ai. Nasals. 82. Mori has three nasals: ng velar, m labial and n supra-dental. They occur alone as well as combine with other consonants in prenasalized sounds ngk, ngg, mp, mb, nt, nd, ns. The latter are treated elsewhere. Examples of original ng are: nganga ‘the interior of the mouth’, Malay, Pamona id.; tonga ‘middle’, Malay t ĕngah; mobongo ‘deaf’, Malay bĕngal; ongo ‘paddy bug, the so-called walang sangit’, Malay cĕnangau; dinange ‘sago cake’, Malay dangai; moronge ‘hear’, Malay d ĕngar; pangi ‘a tree, P ANGIUM EDULE ’, Bugis, Pamona, Tontemboan, Sangirese id.; angi ‘wind’, Malay angin. In onomatopoeia: ngeo ‘cat’ and mengeoli ‘mew’; mengongo ‘mutter’; monguunguu ‘utter weeping sounds under one’s breath’; ngongoro, a word which describes the sound of snoring, etc.; mengese ‘weep’. Examples of original m are: ama ‘father’, Malayo-Polynesian; uma Watu ‘dry rice field’, Malay huma; momama ‘chew betel-nut’, Malay mamah; mata ‘eye’, Malayo-Polynesian; manu ‘chicken’, Javanese, etc. manuk; lemo ‘lemon’, Malay limau. In onomatopoeia: meo Watu ‘cat’; memuuli ‘hum, buzz’; momisu, produce a sound which expresses ‘I will not’ one makes a click with the tongue and sucks in air sidewise through the teeth. Original n is found in: ana ‘child’, Malayo-Polynesian anak; ine ‘mother’, [p. 56] Malayo-Polynesian ina; nana ‘pus’, Malay nanah; kona ‘hit, touched’, Malay k ĕna; infix -in-, Malayo-Polynesian; one ‘gravel’, Acehnese anòe; uni ‘sound’, Javanese id. In interjections: anana, anini, anai ‘ow’; hiini ‘ah’, oonu, uunu, used to sooth a child who has hurt himself. 83. In various Indonesian languages an ng at the end of a word is preserved longer than an n or m, and these last two sounds as codas sometimes change into ng and are thus spared from being lost 80 in pure vocalic languages, the preservation is only temporary. An example of this phenomenon from Mori is po’ianga ‘abode’, which points to an older form mo’iang, at present mo’ia ‘abide, remain’, which mo’iang originated from earlier mo’ian a 80 [footnote 1, p. 56] Such as in Sangirese Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:31. combination of the locative elements i and an; in the corresponding 81 Malay form diam, the n has changed into m. Another example is kaanga ‘food’, and Upper Mori kukaango etc. ‘I eat it’, etc., from the stem k ān ‘eat’. 84. An initial n has been lost in: ongo ‘paddy bug, the walang sangit’, Ampana nango, Sangirese tanango, Malay c ĕnangau; inahu ‘greens’ specifically peas and beans, 82 from ninahu ‘that which is or gets cooked’, from monahu ‘cook’. A medial n has been lost in Tiu kukaa’o etc., the same as Tinompo kukaano ‘I eat it’, stem k ān. An m has been lost initially in u- and i-, pronominal prefixes of respectively the second person singular and second person plural, compare Watu and Moiki mu-, mi-; 83 and medially in Watu inggai and mai, respectively independent and possessive pronouns of the first person plural exclusive, compare Karunsi’e inggami and mami, Upper Mori ikami and mami.

85. In certain cases ng alternates with m,