It is not entirely certain whether Mori rundu ‘thunder’—actually an onomatopoetic word for a booming, rumbling sound—corresponds with Javanese guntur or with Malay guruh.
The relationship of nd and nj was already mentioned above. And to a certain extent, nd can also be considered the voiced form of ns, compare Pamona nc and nj see also § 70. Thus one finds in coarse speech ndu’uluiku for
nsu’uluiku, from su’ului ‘testicle’ Van Eelen Ritsema 1918–1919:289, 295. Another example is probably to be found in the stem dundu ‘root up’ mentioned in § 64, provided Pamona junju and Malay junjung is a repetition of
the root sung, compare Mori, Pamona stem su’u, Sangirese su ĕng ‘carry on the head’, so that Pamona suncu
emerged, which with assimilation of the onset became junju. This derivation is especially made probable by Malay junjung. In any case, linking with suhun, etc. must be supposed.
Concerning the relationship of nd and n, see § 27.
s.
69. Examples of original s are: asa ‘one’, Malay
ĕsa; osio ‘nine’, Malayo-Polynesian siwa; basu ‘carry basket’, Malay basung; bose ‘oar’, Toba Batak borsi, Sundanese boseh; saa ‘python’, Malay sawa; sarampa ‘fork
for stabbing fish’, Malay s ĕrampang; mesosawu ‘fight’ of cocks, Malay sabung; sumpi ‘blowgun’, Malay sumpit;
monsombu ‘lengthen’, Malay sambung; susu Watu ‘female breast’, Malay id.; monsasa ‘hack’, Malay c ĕncang,
Bugis cancang;
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etc. etc. In onomatopoeia and interjections: kesi, the sound of a machete on stone; see-see, the sound of sword grass as one moves through it; see, expression of dislike ‘phooey’, ‘bah’; sika, a call for driving
cats away; sia, a call for driving chickens away. Apart from s and c, s also corresponds with j in other languages concerning the correspondence of j with d, see
§ 65. Examples: mosa’o, Upper Mori mosa’a ‘bad’, Malay jahat, Bugis ja’
osole ‘maize’, Javanese jali, Malay jĕlai, hĕnjĕlai usa ‘rain’, Malay hujan
montiso ‘point out’, Pamona tuju, Malay tunjuk, Bugis tunju’, etc. compare § 42 ngusu ‘exterior mouth, snout’, Pamona nguju from the same root as the preceding, compare Malay ujung
selato ‘stinging nettle’, Malay jĕlatang montaso ‘sharp’, Javanese tajĕm, Malay tajam
sala ‘path, way’, Malay, Ngaju Dayak jalan monseu ‘sew’, Malay jarum, Bugis jarung
Dr. Adriani supposed that one must imagine an origin of this s like this, that “a palatalized d in Pamona” and elsewhere “came to be completely palatalized and became j, which in Bungku” and thus also in Mori “was
reduced to s” Adriani 1900:291.
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Whatever way this mother sound of the j ~ s correspondence might have sounded, it must in any case have had a palatal character,
[p. 49] because otherwise the origin of s would not be
explainable.
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[footnote 1, p. 48] According to Fokker 1895:39 “Malay c seems to be a later development of t.” See footnote 1, p. 46. The sound c has often originated form s in Malay and other languages.
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[footnote 2, p. 48] Adriani represented this intended variety of d as ḍ.
In the three last examples taso, sala and seu, s occurs in the place of the sound of the R-L-D law see § 102. This makes it presumable that the change of j or
ḍ to s is of relatively recent age, compare also the occurrence of Mori s where Pamona has a j, where it can be demonstrated that the j is secondary, e.g. in Mori ase ‘chin’, Pamona
aje, Tombulu, Tondano, Bada, Sangirese are, Bentenan arey, Tonsea ade’, Ponosakan, Mongondow ayoy;
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likewise in Mekongga kasu, Pamona kaju, Malay kayu ‘wood’.
70. Although s thus reflects both voiceless as well as voiced stops,
