In the meaning ‘no’ nahi is an interjection and entirely lines up with soomba, etc. described below. Other single- word answers with lengthening include naapo independent ‘not yet’, naamo ‘no longer’ and mboo’u ‘still more’.
This lengthening of two-syllable adjectives has grammatical significance in this, that a it is the lengthened form which stands next to the form with a suffixed personal pronoun—whether or not further followed by another
particle principally mo—and the conjugated form, and that b it occurs only with adjectives and not other word classes,
20
with certain exceptions, if one will, such as somba ‘tribute, homage’ as in: ndio koa
butu mesomba
t[in]o’ori-no, i-potae:
be.here just only
PART
:offer.tribute
PASS
:know-3
SG
.
POS
3
SG
-say soomba soomba, soomba,
soomba homage homage homage homage
‘when he knew of nothing else to do than to offer worship, he said: mercy, mercy, mercy, mercy’ Here, however, soomba is to be considered an interjection, and interjections can be either long or short. Other
examples of the same nature are: uusa, usa, usa ‘Let there be rain’ exclamation, kuula, kula, kula ‘Let it be hot’.
[p. 18]
SOUND PHENOMENA OF VARIOUS TYPES. Prenasalization.
19. In Tinompo in its present stage, prenasalization in the standard language
21
is found only with k, p, t and s. But formerly other consonants must also have been prenasalized, in the first place w and r which, as is still the case
in Pamona, become mb and nd with prenasalization. This emerges from various examples such as: Ngusumbatu from ngusu + watu ‘stone snout’, the name of the village where the Tinompo lived at the
coming of the Government, lying on a rocky spur of the Ponteoa, which extends into the Lembo the plain of Mori
tulambatu from tula + watu, the name of a species of bamboo mombalo ‘repay, take revenge’
mbumbunge ‘ridge of the roof’, Pamona wumbu, Malay bumbungan Korondoroi ‘Roroi River’, the name of a brook near Tinompo roroi is the name of a tree
mandiu Upper Mori ‘bathe’, stem riu. mondino ‘finished’, doublet of morina ‘clean’
londa ‘bald’, compare lora ‘crushed, squeezed’ melendoako Tinompo, dialectally meleroako ‘lie down’
20
[footnote 3, p. 17] Concerning the lengthening found in aasa ‘one’, see § 282.
21
[footnote 1, p. 18] The language of poetry, in which there is much prenasalization and subsequent thereto voicing, remains outside of consideration, because it is placed in an idiom other than Tinompo. Concerning poetry, see J. Kruyt
1924:172–181 and elsewhere.
The likelihood that prenasalization also formerly resulted in—at least sometimes—the change of g to ngg, of b to mb, and of d to nd, is demonstrated in §§ 54, 58 and 67.
22
Finally ng must be mentioned as the prenasalized form of glottal stop, such as emerges from forms such as mongura ‘young’, stem ura, Malay muda; ngira ‘ashamed’, Pamona id., Minahasan languages, Old Javanese irang;
mongili Watu ‘descend from a mountain or high place’, Malay hilir the paths followed are the streambeds, see Onvlee 1925, proposition 9.
20.
α. In addition to what has been stated above, the following can be mentioned as examples of the very frequent alternation between prenasalized and non-prenasalized sounds, both within Mori itself and in Mori when
compared to related languages. Among others: unto ‘brains’, Malay utak
montumbu ‘measure’, Pamona tubu montumbo ‘prop up, support’, montubongi ‘prevent a cover or lid or jaws, etc. from closing by placing a
piece of wood or something similar in-between’ molimbu ‘surround, encircle’, molibu ‘fly around something, trace circles in the air’, Pamona liwu ‘go
around’ mongkambesi, said of the motion which one makes, for example, in order to shoo a mosquito
[p. 19] away
namely when one directs the motion toward oneself, mongkabe ‘draw close to oneself’, mongkawe ‘beckon with the hand’ which is done with a motion directed toward oneself
rengko ‘refuse’ n., compare reko Watu ‘mud’ ndo- Tiu and Moiki third person plural pronoun, next to ro- Watu and Upper Mori and do-; see further
§ 100 tuda ‘layer’, Javanese tun
ḍa β. Often a consonant is prenasalized through the influence of a nasal appearing elsewhere in the word where at
present they can naturally no longer be encountered in word final position. Examples hereof are ensami Sampalowo dialect, a species of sour mango, Malay asam; gansi ‘top’, Malay gasing; mongkuni ‘yellow’, Pamona
makuni, Malay kuning; montaso ‘sharp’, Pamona mataja, Malay tajam; metunda Upper Mori ‘sit’, Bugis tudang. Also lampi ‘a horse blanket serving as a saddle’, compare ompeo linapi ‘two mats sewn layered together’, Malay
lampin and lapis. Mori molampengi ‘place something under something e.g. wood under a chest to make it stand higher’ would also correspond with Malay lampin.
The application of these sound rules to suffixes in some of the dialects is remarkable. Thus one finds, for example, Watu umiangangke’e for Tinompo umiangakono ‘take care of it’, stem mo’iangako, Molongkuni
kumaanganggu, from kumaangangku, for k[um]aa-ngaku, Tinompo kumaa aku ‘eating me’.
21. A very important function of prenasalization is intensification Adriani 1909; Adriani Adriani-Gunning
1908:69 ff.. Prenasalized forms with intensive or—what amounts to the same thing—plural force are very frequent in Mori. Prenasalization of this sort occurs among other places:
a with plural forms see § 222 ff. b with the attachment of II me- see §§ 325 and 326
22
[footnote 2, p. 18] Compare also the remarks made in §§ 67 and 70 regarding nd and ns in their relationship to l.
c sometimes with ko- with two-syllable reduplication see § 347 d with some adjectives,
23
for example mantuwu or montuwu ‘vigorous’; mansolo ‘swift flowing’ of water; montondu ‘heavy’ next to tondu ‘sink’; mangkamba ‘voluminous but not heavy’ next to kamba ‘swollen,
inflamed’. This last perhaps belongs at home under § 20 β, compare related words such as Malay kĕbung,
Makasarese kombong, Tontemboan kombang, etc. e with a number of verbs with prefixes such as po-, te-, I me-, etc. which normally bring no prenasalization
with them to the stem. The intensive character of these forms does not always emerge from the meaning, so that the possibility for other explanations for some of these forms must be left open. The following examples are to be
mentioned:
mentoro ‘sit’ and mompontoro ‘set down, lay down’, next to mompotoro ‘appoint’ [p. 20]
a ruler or other functionary, ‘set up’ said of water, in order to boil it, stem toro
mentade ‘stand’, stem tade the adjective montade ‘upright, standing’ also has prenasalization; mentoa ‘jump down’, Molongkuni metoa causative forms respectively mompontoa and mompotoa
moponsia ‘separate’ and tensia ‘apart, separated’, stem sia, Malay siar mensua ‘separate, part ways’, stem sua causative momponsua, but momposua if the object is a married
couple tengkuru ‘wrinkled, shriveled’, Malay kĕrut compare mongkuru ‘gather into pleats’
tensila ‘burn with a large flame, flame up’ compare monsila ‘warm something above or beside a flame’
22. The verbal prefix mo- is likewise accompanied by prenasalization of the stem, whenever the phonetic
circumstances allow it.
24
This prefix must also originally have had intensive force, as the verbal mo- forms are either intransitive or which at basis is the same thing transitive with indefinite object § 221, so that it is as if they
on their own have something durative or plural in their meaning compare § 232 where the same is argued for verbal nouns. In Pamona there originally though no longer at present stood next to each other ma- or mo- forms
with indefinite object
WITH
prenasalization, and ma- forms with definite object
WITHOUT
prenasalization ma- is the older form of mo-.
25
Here, then, just like in Mori, prenasalization is no more the marker of the intensive, but only of intransitive meaning. Languages such as Malay and present-day Pamona except for the To Lage dialect exhibit
a further stage of development, in which the forms with m ĕ- and nasal in Pamona ma- and prenasalization are also
used for transitives with definite object, and the language employs other formatives b ĕr-, mo- for intransitives.
23. From what has been said above § 19, it follows that when in a verbal mo- form the stem begins with a
prenasalized consonant other than a prenasalized k, p, t or s, in the present language the prenasalization belongs to the stem. Thus the original stem of mombio ‘do what?’ is pio compare § 210, but the secondary stem mbio, e.g.
aku mbio-o? 1
SG
.
FUT
do.what-3
SG
‘what shall I do to it?, as object of what action shall I make it?’; of mombalo ‘repay, take revenge’ Malay balas the stem is mbalo see § 19; and of mondoe ‘hang up’ it is ndoe compare
§§ 64, 67. This rule, however, does not or only partially applies in Upper Mori, compare Impo, Molongkuni and Tambee aku piongo, next to Molio’a aku mbio’o the same as Tinompo aku mbioo, from mombio, Upper Mori
monggaa ‘eat’ next to kukaango ku + kaa + ngo ‘I eat it’, Upper Mori monggito ‘see’ next to kukiteo ku + kite + o ‘I see it’, etc.
23
[footnote 2, p. 19] See also below § 27.
24
[Postscript, p. 20] For certain intransitive verbs which constitute exceptions to this claim, see § 295.
25
[Postscript, p. 20] It is not certain whether the ma- forms with definite object and without prenasalization in Pamona should be older than those with prenasalization. The former are likely of secondary origin, in connection with the corresponding
conjugated forms with ku- first singular, etc., which likewise have no prenasalization of the stem see Adriani 1931:173 ff..
24. Prenasalization with intensive force in words denoting sounds and motions is extremely common in
