A case such as:

nahi moiko nahu-no inahu andio NEG good cook-3 SG . POS vegetable this ‘these vegetables are not cooked well’ These forms are also often in apposition with another substantive. For examples [p. 194] with the prefix ko- which can be formed of various transitives see § 345. The passive verbal noun is also found in compounds with kona ‘hit, touched, affected’, e.g.: kona wuno hit throw ‘hit by a throw’ singkelere tewala poho-pohona i-’u’uni, pengkonaa-no ta hina k.o.bird when REDP -once 3 SG -sound meaning-3 SG . POS 3 SG . FUT exist mia kona rako buaea person hit seize crocodile ‘whenever the singkelere bird makes a sound one time, it means that there shall be someone who will be grabbed by a crocodile’ ka i-lako pau-ako ira mia mota’u-no mia anu and 3 SG -go say- APPL 3 PL person old-3 SG . POS person REL kona ng-kaa andio hit LG -eat this ‘and he went and informed his elders a remaining blood relationship of the older generation of the eaten up ones’ In the last case the form with kona is chosen because kinaa is a regular substantive that has the meaning ‘cooked rice’. Kona wuno and kona rako differ from the corresponding -in- forms winuno and rinako in that the latter only mean ‘that which is thrown, seized’ without implying whether or not the actions achieved their goal. The passive verbal nouns of reciprocal verbs with mompo-, mentioned in § 342, can have a meaning which corresponds to that named in § 229, for example: potaro-no ‘that which is placed against it’ compare mompotaro ‘place against each other’ posunsu-no ‘that which is placed on or under or next to it’ compare momposunsu ‘place on, etc. each other, of things which fit with each other’ pokalo-no ‘that which one makes fit in it’ compare mompokalo ‘fit together’ In some cases a verb stem is in use as a substantive, while nevertheless the same stem can occur as a passive verbal noun. Thus soi-no can mean ‘its becoming or being folded, the way of folding it’ namely the way in which one folds a leaf into a small cup for drinking, as well as ‘his drinking cup’ i.e. one which is made this way out of a leaf; and lanso-no means not only ‘its bolt’ but also ‘the way in which it is bolted’. For examples of passive verbal nouns with the suffix -a, see § 381.

231. A case such as:

nahi komba ondalo keke-no NEG : by.any.means deep dig-3 SG . POS ‘not deeply dug’ of a hole which amounts to the same as ‘its hole was not deep’ shows how the passive verbal noun can take on a concrete meaning; keke-no means ‘the dug portion of it’, kekeno batatana means ‘the ditch beside the main road’, likewise compare also § 381: pudu-no ‘the broken off piece’ bansi-no ‘the split off portion’ gondi-no ‘the snipped off piece’ sesewi-no ‘the cut off portion’ tiso-no ‘that for which one finds fault with it’ compare montiso, lit., ‘point out’ tata-no ‘id.’ compare montata ‘disapprove of, chide, make comments about’ The passive verbal nouns which serve as measure words in combination with cardinal numbers are of the very same nature, see § 280. One also encounters similar forms of intransitives and adjectives, with the difference that with intransitives it is sometimes not the verbal noun but rather [p. 195] the participle which appears, which is also to be expected in that in this case it is not the object or the result of the action which is referred to, such as with transitives, but rather the portion of the concerned thing that executes the action, for example: ondalo l[um]ako-no deep PART :go-3 SG . POS ‘the portion of a hypodermic needle, for example that went in, went in deep’ 7 opia l[um]ako-no doi-mu? how.much PART :go-3 SG . POS coin-2 SG . POS ‘how much is the portion of your gold which has disappeared lit. gone away?’ ‘how much poorer are you now?’ by spending, by losing at gambling, etc. asa rupia s[um]ende-no sometimes sende-no one guilder PART :toss-3 SG . POS ‘the offering price has gone up a guilder’ opia po’ia-no? how.much reside-3 SG . POS ‘how much is the remainder?’ opia pekule-no? how.much return-3 SG . POS ‘how much is there coming back?’ for example of a payment; in this case also pokule-no, ‘that which is returned mompokule of it’ poturi-no sleep-3 SG . POS ‘the fallen in war’ butu koa ira’ai pontindulu-a-no merely just over.there descend- NZR -3 SG . POS ‘just yonder descends the way’, literally ‘just yonder is the descent place of it’ 7 [from main text, p. 195] Versus ondalo lako-no ‘it went in deep’. When the base of the form is an adjective no difference is apparent, e.g. me’aa-no ‘the hollow portion of it’ not pe’aa-no, although me’aa ‘have a hole, holes’ can be an adjective as well as a verb. Also: pore-no ‘the solid portion of it’ for example a carabao horn moboo-no ‘the portion that’s rotten’ of meat, bananas, etc. tepudu-no ‘the broken off portion’, also ‘the point, place where the break is’, etc. 8 Herewith also belong expressions such as compare also § 391: na-m-i hina tuwu-no NEG - PERF -3 SG exist live-3 SG . POS ‘there was no longer anyone of it living’ na-m-i hina tuwu-do NEG - PERF -3 SG exist live-3 PL . POS ‘there was no longer anyone of them living’ FORMS WHICH ARE DERIVED FROM THE VERBAL NOUN OR FROM THAT WHICH CORRESPONDS TO IT. 232. With these forms a difference must be made between derivations from transitive verbs and from intransitives or adjectives. When the verbal noun of a transitive constitutes the basis of a new derivation, such a form often has an emphatic, plural or intensive meaning see Adriani 1931:188. The indefinite character of the verbal noun requires this. Thus one forms from po’ala, the verbal noun of mo’ala ‘take, fetch’, a form mepo’ala ‘perform a fetching’ said of someone who desires to have for him or herself, e.g.: tepakosi-o-mo sio pulu mia anu mo-raha set.apart-3 SG - PERF nine ten person REL PART : TRI -construct kandawari, saru-mo lako me-po’ala mbo’u transport.contrivance with- PERF go PART : INTR -fetching again ‘there were ninety people assigned who must build a carry device and go perform a fetching namely of the woman to be abductedeloped with’ [p. 196] These derivations, which thus actually are not formed with a prefix mepo- but rather consist of me- plus a verbal noun, and which in general indicate considerable or formal actions, seem to be found less in Mori than in Pamona, where the corresponding forms, prefixes with mopa-, constitute an entire class of verbs Adriani 1931:188. Other examples are: mepobini ‘collect the bones of a dead person’ from mobini ‘pick up’ mepobinta ‘free oneself from a ring or from some relationship to which one belongs’ from mobinta ‘abandon, leave behind’ mepotonda with a preposition ‘join oneself with, draw oneself up with, submit oneself to, obey’ 8 [footnote 1, p. 195] In Pamona one always uses in similar cases the nexus-substantive, with adjectives as well as with intransitives, e.g. sangkuja palai or kanjo’u nu doimu ‘how much of your gold is used up lit. gone away?’, ungka ire’i ka’osonya ‘up to here is the portion that’s rotten’, marate kabolonya ‘the hollow portion of it is long’. The difference which Mori makes between ondalo lumakono and ondalo lakono and the such is not expressed in this language. From the last example it appears that these forms are not attended by prenasalization of the stem which is the case with the verbal noun, and thus they are no longer felt to be composed of me- plus a verbal noun but rather as a mepo- derivation of a transitive verb stem. The same applies of the corresponding form mopa- in Pamona. 9 An example of a transitive form of this sort is mompobinta compare mepobinta above, which nevertheless does not differ perceptibly from mobinta ‘abandon, leave behind’. 233. That the number of examples of this construction are not great in Mori is not surprising. A special nuance of the plural meaning is the reciprocal cf. § 315, and it is particularly in this direction that the forms with mepo-, the accidental tepo- the most usual reflex of reciprocity and the transitive mompo- have developed; see § 341 ff. In this case one is dealing with true prefixes mepo-, etc. from which at any rate tepo- has expanded its range through analogy, so that it is also encountered in cases in which there is no form with mo- to which one can go back to, namely when the root is an adjective. These are therefore handled in Chapter 12. Next to the above three prefixes stand mape-, mambe-, and mombe- see § 343, which must have originated from ma- and pe-, the latter being the prefix of the verbal noun of a form with me-. They differ thus from the above- mentioned prefixes in that intransitive verbal nouns, not transitive ones, serve as the base, and it appears probable to me that the reciprocal plural character of these prefixes is not to be explained from the verbal substantive but rather from the prefix ma- compare Adriani 1931:147–149. 234. The general rule also applies in Mori that, whenever new words are derived from intransitive verbs, the form of the verbal noun serves as the basis of the derivation the adjectives in Mori can [p. 197] remain outside of consideration in that the ‘abstracts’ thereof are not distinguished by a special form. So for example from the verbs monako ‘steal’, momeka ‘angle’, monasa ‘fetch sago leaves in order to make roofing material’, momone Upper Mori ‘climb in a tree’—all intensive forms which can only be used intransitively—are derived the corresponding transitives momponako, mompomeka, momponasa and mompomone steal something, etc.. One cannot speak of a prefix mompo- with these verbs, in that they consist of mo- and ponako, etc. and the stems nako, etc. are never themselves encountered. It is different in this respect with the corresponding group of forms beginning with mompe-, hence these verbs are treated separately in § 329. Attention must be drawn to the fact that the verbal noun is not to be found back again in all forms in which the above verbs can appear. Next to momponako stands the form with definite object monakoo ‘stealing it’, next to mompomeka stands momekao, etc.; likewise next to verbs with mompe- stand forms with definite object with me-…-o. This does not necessarily mean that these forms are older than those in which the p of the verbal noun occurs, as has already been noted in § 223. Nevertheless forms with indefinite object of the type momponako must be of a fairly young date, in that an indefinite object must have originally stood in compound with monako, etc., e.g. monako uwi ‘steal tubers’, which is still in use next to momponako uwi, but no longer forms a compound. In not all cases in which a prefix mompo- is encountered assuming the po- therein does not have its own meaning, such as in the causative mompo-, nor does it belong to the primary or secondary stem, should one assume that a verbal noun lies at the basis of it. The occurrence of this prefix can be attributed to pressure from the Mori verbal system, that is to analogy. This appears to me to be the case with mompowee ‘give’ of an unspecified thing to an unspecified person, the latter of which however in present-day Tinompo is always introduced by a preposition; this is true not only of mompowee but also the corresponding verbal noun along with other conjugated forms derived therefrom, next to which occur mowee-o id. of an indefinite thing and a definite person and wee-o id. of a definite thing and a definite person, but yet mowee and powee are never encountered, so that one cannot very well explain mompowee from mo + powee, neither moweeo from mowee + o naturally it remains possible that the forms mowee and powee have become lost, in order to arrive in this manner at powee-o and mompowee. Here we a dealing with a verb with two direct objects, which according to the meaning thus belongs with the derivations with -ako in the sense of ‘to, toward’ of which the object that belongs with the verb itself is indefinite see § 235. By analogy to similar constructions moweeo and mompowee must have been provided with their prefixes. To be sure, true forms with two indefinite objects with mompo-…-ako to my knowledge do not occur. [p. 198] But this is, as shall appear in § 235, to be ascribed to peculiar circumstances, in that the corresponding conjugated and passive forms do not 9 [footnote 1, p. 196] Also the causatives with mompopo- which are derived from transitives exhibit this phenomenon. occur. On the basis of this fact we must well consider that mowee-o, ku-powee-o, etc. and p[in]owee are older than mompowee. 235. In regard to the attachment of prefixes, no exceptions are known to the rule given at the beginning of section § 234 that of § 223 must of course always be kept in consideration with this rule, such as shall emerge in the first part of Chapter 12. It is different with the suffixes, which in many cases have the meaning of a particle, and thus do not affect the form of the word to which they are attached. In this respect one need not speak of an exception to the rule alluded to above, because when a base and its suffix stand next to each other each in their own meaning, one can say in a certain sense that one isn’t dealing anymore with one, but rather with two words, even if they do form their own stress group. But this conceptual duality easily develops into a oneness see for examples the forms with -a mentioned in § 383, and in that case one truly is dealing with an exception to the given rule. While in Pamona this is only applicable to suffixes which do not occur in the function of prepositions, and thus require no particular object whether expressed or not, this limitation does not exist in Mori, witness forms such as: mo’ipi-ako ‘dream of’ mo’ipi adjective mate-ako ninggo ‘die of hunger’ tekuda-ako ‘angry from, about, concerning’ compare montekudaako ‘be or become angry at’ molai-ako iwali, api ‘flee from the enemy, fire’ compare mompolaiako ‘flee with’ ompeda-ako ‘be close by something’ compare mo’ompedaako ‘approach something’ mentoro-ako dengko mobaho sit- APPL pants wet ‘sit with wet pants, sit down with wet pants’ mom-pentoro-ako dengko mobaho TRI -sit- APPL pants wet ‘sit down with wet pants’ not ‘sit with wet pants’ In these forms the suffix and the stem have merged as a unit to such a small degree that the linguistic instinct resists against prefixing transitive mo-. 10 Nevertheless they have a transitive character, so that whenever the object is definite, they can occur in conjugated form without restriction, e.g.: ku-mo’ipi-ako-no ana-ku 1 SG -dream- APPL -3 SG child-1 SG . POS ‘I dreamed of my child’ and also passive participles with -in- occur, for example: m[in]o’ipi-ako PASS :dream- APPL ‘that of which one has dreamt’ m[in]osina-ako PASS :stingy- APPL ‘the one whom one is miserly toward’ 10 [footnote 1, p. 198] Indeed next to ime’o’aluakune ‘he favors me, he prefers me’ compare the adjective me’alu ‘prepare oneself well beforehand, take more than is necessary’, a mo-form mompe’o’alu’ako is encountered, but this is an exception. for forms with -um-, see § 394, from which it appears that considering these ako-forms as consisting of two words, is only to be maintained up to a certain point. In some cases thus either the one or the other form can occur, such as in: [p. 199] mon-teta’i-ako rea PART : TRI -defecate- APPL blood ‘pass blood’ mo-lingkau-ako onitu PART : TRI -afraid- APPL ghost ‘fear, be afraid of ghosts’ mom-pelempa-ako oliwi PART : TRI -go- APPL message ‘go for a message’ mon-tepo-’aro-ako PART : TRI - REFLEX -face- APPL ‘find oneself opposite’ mon-se’elu-ako PART : TRI -precede- APPL ‘go in front of, with’ s[um]e’elu-ako-no PART :precede- APPL -3 SG ‘precede in front of someone’ mom-pengkena-ako PART : TRI -same- APPL ‘be similar to’ These forms come up for discussion again in the treatment of the suffix -ako, see § 394. Another peculiarity of Mori which is not encountered in Pamona, is that sometimes derivations can be formed with mo- and a suffix, attached to the verbal noun, for example mom-pompaho-ari ‘plant mompaho in’ thus with two indefinite objects, mom-ponaa-pari ‘lay, place monaa in’ see § 379. These forms are little-used and occur, it seems, only with the suffix -ari, not with -ako, which is not surprising if one considers that mompompahoako ‘plant in’ should not be any more clear than, nor differ in any way from mompahoako ‘plant in’ with two indefinite objects; it is a different case with the form with -ari, because one can well say mompahoari-o with definite object of the suffix, but not mompahoari. But there are other derivations, which connect up with mompompahoako, which are indeed used, namely conjugated forms and passives with pino-…-ako, in which thus the object, in other words the subject of -ako is definite, but that of the verb itself is indefinite, e.g.: kuro atuu do-m-pom-pokoli-ako-no wuku uho cook.pot that 3 PL - PL - TRI -put- APPL -3 SG shell periwinkle ‘in that cook pot they put periwinkle shells’ kuro atuu do-m-pokoli-ako-no wuku uho cook.pot that 3 PL - PL -put- APPL -3 SG shell periwinkle ‘in that cook pot they put the periwinkle shells’ ka i-’amba p[in]o-winso-ako ana-no balo te-’asa laa and 3 SG -then PASS : TRI -enter- APPL child-3 SG . POS bamboo VOL -one section ‘next a section of young bamboo must be placed inside’ wunta anu w[in]inso-ako indi’upua paper REL PASS :enter- APPL formerly ‘the paper which was placed inside previously’ luwu-luwu-no p[in]o-naa-ako podoa REDP -all-3 SG . POS PASS : TRI -place- APPL number ‘everything has been numbered’ For further examples see § 369 and the treatment of the suffixes -ari and I-ako. Only when the verb is followed by one of these suffixes can the passive infix -in- be added to the verbal prefix po-; see §§ 294–297 an exceptional case, however, is encountered in pinowee ‘given’ from mompowee; see further § 234. 259 [p. 200] CHAPTER EIGHT. TENSE AND MOOD. ——————— FUTURE TENSE.