The forms andio ‘this’, atuu ‘that’, etc.

demonstratives of the three persons is somewhat arbitrary. The border between the spheres is not fixed, and more than once speakers have a choice between using a pronoun of the first or second person, sometimes even between all three persons see below § 174. These matters come up for comprehensive discussion in the following paragraphs. The Mori speaker readily localizes in one of the five particular pronominal spheres. He uses the demonstratives much more actively than we do. When translating, it is not always possible to do justice to all the pronouns. 172. The demonstratives which are used in Tinompo can be presented in table form as follows. Dialectal forms and derivations are discussed later § 192 ff.. T ABLE 7. D EMONSTRATIVE P RONOUNS I II III IV V VI 1 ST PERSON andiodo ndio a indi’ai ramai, tamahi ngkoramai, ngkontamahi b indiramai, inditamahi 2 ND PERSON atuudo tuu itu’ai — — — LEVEL araudo rau ira’ai raane ngkoraane indiraane 3 RD : LOWER aloudo lou ilo’ai loane ngkoloane indiloane HIGHER atahudo tahu itahai tahane ngkontahane b inditahane a see §§ 180–181. b compare § 28. [p. 128] Series I.

173. The forms andio ‘this’, atuu ‘that’, etc.

85 are ADJECTIVAL . They thus foremost occur with and at that, following substantives and proper names, in so far as the person or thing referred to thereby is not moving in a particular direction in cases where it is moving in a particular direction, see § 189. For example: i Laengko andio PN Laengko this ‘this Laengko’ raha arau house that.over.there ‘yonder house’ wuwu-ku alou fish.trap-1 SG . POS that.down.there ‘my fish traps down there in the river’ If such a word receives modification other than the demonstrative, then the demonstrative usually comes last just as in Malay, etc., e.g.: 85 [footnote 1, p. 128] For the forms with suffix -do, see § 176. bonti anu p[in]ongko-’ala-do andio wild.pig REL PASS : POTENT -get-3 PL . POS this ‘this wild pig caught by them’ There are, however, exceptions to the rule, e.g.: nahi tehine do-m-po’ia hawe-o-mo ue-do ana-n-i NEG long.time 3 PL - PL -stay arrive-3 SG - PERF grandparent-3 PL . POS child-3 SG . POS - PN Sinongi 86 popandei ira ka do-m-pekule-mo i inia Sinongi persuade 3 PL and 3 PL - PL -return- PERF to village po’ia-nga-do Datu anu mepetadi ira andio i Sinongi reside- NZR -3 PL . POS Datu REL PART :seek.to.dispose 3 PL this PN Sinongi ‘they had not lived there long, when the grandfather of Sinongi’s children came to try and coax them to return back to the village where lived the Datu 87 who had gotten rid of exiled Sinongi and her children’ hawe-o-mo i raha-do mia anu k[um]aa-no andio arrive-3 SG - PERF at house-3 PL . POS person REL PART :eat-3 SG this ana-no, pada ira-mo mahaki. child-3 SG . POS equal 3 PL - PERF sick ‘when she had come into the house of these people who had eaten up her child, it turned out they were both sick’ In these sentences if the demonstrative were to be placed last in the noun phrase, then andio would modify, respectively, Sinongi and ana-no rather than Datu and mia. The forms andio, atuu, etc. can also modify pronouns, relative clauses and other equivalents of substantives. Their placement in the clause is then much freer, for example they can also precede the expression which they modify. Examples are: onae-mo atuu pakuli-mu 3 SG . INDEP - PERF that medicine-2 SG . POS ‘that there is your eye medicine’ nahi ku-to’ori-o andio ke w[in]awa-o-mo ke naahi NEG 1 SG -know-3 SG this whether PASS :carry-3 SG - PERF whether NEG ‘I here do not know whether it’s been brought or not’ onae anu mo-rombi atahu 3 SG . INDEP REL PART : TRI -knock 88 that.up.there ‘he is the one who is up there knocking’ It must also be admitted that the forms andio, atuu, etc. occur independently, in the sense of ‘this one’, ‘that one’, these ones’, those ones’. For example, in the following sentences I see no reason for treating nee-no and atuu differently; both are independent forms which refine the provisional third person singular object marker -o. 86 [footnote 2, p. 128] The name given to princesses in stories, Sinongi literally means ‘the one sent away segregated’. 87 [footnote 3, p. 128] Regarding the meaning of Datu, compare § 100. 88 [footnote 4, p. 128] More specifically, morombi means ‘knock on the spike of the aren palm when collecting palm toddy’. nahi ku-to’ori-o nee-no NEG 1 SG -know-3 SG name-3 SG . NEG ‘I do not know his name’ nahi ku-to’ori-o atuu NEG 1 SG -know-3 SG that ‘I do not know that what you just asked, for example’ The independent character of these forms can especially be seen in examples such as: Anu isua ana-mu? Arau. REL where child-2 SG . POS that.over.there ‘Which is your child? That one yonder.’ Other examples are: nahi ku-to’ori-o arau ke hapa pengkonaa-no NEG 1 SG -know-3 SG that.over.there INTERROG what meaning-3 SG . POS ‘I do not understand what the meaning of it is’ In this case the speaker does not understand something which he has heard arau ‘yonder’, in another place than where he now is; arau thus refines -o. nah-u to’ori-o ke atahu ba hapa wutu-no? NEG -2 SG know-3 SG INTERROG that.up.there INDEF what bind-3 SG . POS ‘do you not know what the binding material of it up there is on the roof?’ kona botika-ku atuu, Kontino hit spring.lance-1 SG . POS that Kontino ‘that one that pig next to you has been hit by my spring lance, Kontino’ buaea-mo mbo’u da’a alou crocodile- PERF again INTENS that.down.there ‘it there below is the crocodile once again’ pulu’a andio 89 ka ku-’amba hawe mbo’u pakuli-ako-mu ten.night this and 1 SG -then arrive again medicate- APPL -2 SG karu-mu atuu leg-2 SG . POS that ‘ten nights after this I will come again to treat that leg of yours for you with medicine’ It is even very well possible that the independent function of these demonstratives is the original one, compare the occurrence of a with nasal as article and the parallel cases in Upper Mori § 195. The Moiki use andia, etc. in independent meaning, otherwise ndia, etc. § 192, but this does not say much, as the latter could be a shortening of the former compare § 195. Also in the Roda dialect speakers ndio, etc. in adjectival function. Meanwhile, Tinompo also has onae atuu, etc. for ‘that one’, etc. compare -o atuu, etc.; thus if there is already -o, then onae andio etc. cannot be used. [p. 129] Hapa arau? Moro sapi arau what that.over.there perhaps cow that.over.there ‘What’s that? Perhaps a cow’ 89 [Postscript, p. 132] Expressions such as pulu’a andio ‘ten nights after this’ may owe their origin to shortening. In da iaopo andio ‘only now’, andio belongs with the pronoun which da iaopo contains see § 162. An example is: da iao-po andio ku-po-hawe anu marasai kanandio be 3 SG - INCOMP this 1 SG - TRI -encounter REL difficult like.this ‘for the first time in my life have I experienced something so difficult’ People also use da iaopo nae compare § 160; da iaopo nae probably stands for da iaopo onae, e.g.: da iao-po nae i-lingkau-ako-no-mo tantadu 90 andio, be 3 SG - INCOMP 3 SG . INDEP 3 SG -afraid- APPL -3 SG - PERF caterpillar this nde me-pau because PART : INTR -speak ‘only then did he become afraid of the caterpillar, because she spoke’ Often andio, etc. are used more than once in the same sentence, e.g.: benu hapa ke alou t[in]owo-do alou? coconut what INTERROG that.down.there PASS :split-3 PL . POS that.down.there ‘what sort of coconut is that, which is being split by them down there?’ nahi ku-to’ori-o atuu p[in]au-mu atuu NEG 1 SG -know-3 SG that PASS :speak-2 SG . POS that ‘I do not understand what you said there.’ This pleonasm exhibits many similarities with the at present quasi-pleonastic use that is made of the personal pronouns, treated in § 143 ff. In clauses which have originated by the dissolution of a substantive construction see § 211 ff., the occurrence of andio and atuu is to be understood when one goes back to the original construction, e.g.: umari-do me-pau andio l[um]ako ira-mo ntu’u finish-3 PL . POS PART : INTR -speak this PART :go 3 PL - PERF truly mo-’ungke meti PART : TRI -seek shellfish ‘when they were finished with speaking thus when this speaking of theirs was finished, they went hunting shellfish indeed’ tehine do-m-po’ia-’ia andio, onae-mo ka i-potae long.time 3 PL - PL -reside this 3 SG . INDEP - PERF and 3 SG -say mia atuu person that ‘when they had lived so long when this living of theirs had become long, then said the that man…’ Also sentences such as the following: ho’io, behe aku koa ba to-lako monako atuu yes want 1 SG just if 1 PLN -go PART :steal that ‘certainly, I indeed want that we go steal’ 90 [from main text, p. 129] More specifically, tantadu is the name of a species of large, hairless caterpillar. can be explained in this way, e.g. ‘I indeed want that atuu going-out-to-steal of ours which you proposed’. Also here, however, the already established tendency to use the demonstrative in the front of the sentence makes itself felt. Therefore the next to last example above could also be expressed as tehine ANDIO dompo’ia-’ia, onaemo ka… compare tehine andio ‘when this had gone on so long…’. 91 The requirement to localize is so strong that the demonstrative pronoun is readily introduced as quickly as possible, even though the meaning requires that it must be used again later. 174. Just as in other Indonesian languages, so also in Mori the demonstrative of the first person refers to that which the speaker is going to say, 92 that of the second person to that which has already been mentioned. But as has already emerged, in stories especially the FIRST person demonstrative is used to refer to what has PRECEDED . That of the second person is especially employed when something has been mentioned just before. If a person, animal or thing is mentioned once, then the putting forward belongs to the sphere of the hearer as well as to that [p. 130] of the speaker. The hearer lingers with his thoughts at the same point where the speaker is. One could then say: andio BELONGS ALSO TO THE SPHERE OF THE FIRST PERSON PLURAL INCLUSIVE . One can, for that matter, often very well render it in stories as ‘our’, when it refers to a person or personified animal, etc. For example: gaagi do-m-pepate-o-mo io bange andio ka do-men-tunu-o; therefore 3 PL - PL -kill-3 SG - PERF CN monkey this and 3 PL - PL -roast-3 SG borono i-tena-o ama-no i Wakuka andio l[um]ako then 3 SG -order-3 SG father-3 SG . POS PN Wakuka this PART :go t[um]adi-o io kompo-no bange andio PART :dispose.of-3 SG CN guts-3 SG . POS monkey this ‘so then they killed our monkey and they prepared it; then our Wakuka sent her father to go throw away the entrails of our monkey’ Often in stories one uses atuu ‘that, the one just mentioned’ on the second mention of a person, animal or thing, when such mention closely follows the first, and then continue on with andio, 93 e.g.: do-hawe-o-mo uwi asa m-pu’u; i-keke-ako ira-mo 3 PL -encounter-3 SG - PERF tuber one LG -base 3 SG -dig- APPL 3 PL - PERF i Bonti uwi asa m-pu’u atuu; umari-o-mo i-keke-o PN Wild.Pig tuber one LG -base that finish-3 SG - PERF 3 SG -dig-3 SG ka do-petia-o uwi andio. and 3 PL -divide.with.each.other-3 SG tuber this ‘they found a clump of tubers; Wild Pig dug up that clump of tubers for them; when he had finished digging, then they divided the tubers between themselves’ 91 [Postscript, p. 129] At the beginning of a sentence, tehine can stand for nahi tehine ‘after not long, after some time, under these circumstances’; nahi tehi-tehine and nahi tehine andio have the same meaning. 92 [footnote 1, p. 129] An example of this may be found in § 177. 93 [Postscript, p. 130] Although what is stated here is not in itself incorrect, in the modern Mori language, which is strongly liable to decay, atuu is often used in place of andio in cases where Malay itu would be employed, thus clearly a Malay habit which has crept in. In the relating of stories, atuu can—besides the sense of ‘the by-you-mentioned’ for which it is not necessary that the second person mentioned it FIRST —only be employed when the speaker for a second or later time makes mention of something that he himself has seen, so that he still sees it, as it were, before his eyes and it is thus there in his mind’s eye where also the second person is roughly located, or when in a story a similar situation arises the speaker tarries with his thoughts over the one whom the story is about, and it thus located opposite newly occurring persons, etc.. Another situation in which atuu can also be used is in a story when there are two parties, and the least important in the eyes of the storyteller or the least sympathetic thus again the one whom the speaker does not dwell upon in his thoughts is referred to using atuu as illustration, see the second example in § 176. From the given examples, it appears that as a rule the best translation of andio in stories would be with our definite article ‘the’. This is also often the case with atuu, etc. Mori has no fixed equivalent of our definite article concerning the Mori article, see § 272, which prepares the way for the frequent use of the demonstratives, the deictic force of which has thereby become very weakened. 94 175. The use which is made of the demonstratives in stories has this peculiarity, that the indicating there takes place not in the external reality, but only in the psychological. Here the demonstratives of the third person are excluded see below, so that the spheres of atuu and especially andio have undergone considerable enlargement. In daily life, however, it is different. Conversations mostly concern persons or things which fall inside one’s field of vision, or at any rate are known or thought to be present in a particular location. When two people are sitting and talking on the porch of a house and there is a pig in their sight in the yard in front of them, one says boe arau ‘yonder pig’. It belongs neither to the sphere of the one nor the other, so that neither of them can refer to it after a first mention with boe atuu ‘the just-mentioned pig’ but see below. This would imply a certain connection between the pig and the addressee, which would be in conflict with the facts. It is and remains a boe arau, and could only become, say, boe alou ‘that pig down there’ if it should come directly below where the two of them are sitting see § 191. One of the conversants could only say boe atuu when the other goes into the yard in the vicinity of the pig. If they talk about a carabao located in a certain place, but out of sight of either of them, then after a first mention they could indeed refer to this animal as ambau atuu ‘the aforementioned carabao’, because it falls outside the field of vision. However, if the plot of ground where the animal is located remains present in consciousness, only then one continues to use ambau arau alou, etc.. [p. 131] The form atuu is the very actively used word for ‘the, the aforementioned’ see above, which is excluded only when the concerned person or thing is so situated that arau, alou or atahu or one of the combinations mentioned in § 189 must be used. Nevertheless one can also in ordinary life use andio for persons or things but especially for a person who is not present; andio then has a flavor which is similar to, but not required to be taken so strong as, our ‘that’ in the same case. If one speaks. for example, of i Weroda andio, then this has the connotation of ‘Weroda, about whom you and I need tell each other nothing more, the one that gives us trouble, the one that acts strange, the one people speak of’ or something similar. In such a case andio expresses a greater or lesser extent of contempt, at any rate a lack of respect for the concerned person. It is also used in exasperation, e.g.: hapa mbo’u ke i-ponako mia monako api andio? what again INTERROG 3 SG -steal person PART :steal fire this ‘what has the arch-thief stolen again now?’ isua ke i-lako mia anu um-ala-o andio lemba-ku? where INTERROG 3 SG -go person REL PART -get-3 SG this jacket-1 SG . POS ‘where has the fellow gone who took my jacket?’ thus also here again a preference for the demonstrative that belongs with that of the first person or the first person plural inclusive. 176. Plural forms can be made of andio ‘this’, atuu ‘that’, etc. by suffixing the third person plural pronoun -do, which is used, however, usually only if a somewhat large number is spoken of thus not of two, for example. 95 Examples are: gaagi ana-no i Tehu andio-do na-hina anu tuwu therefore child-3 SG . POS PN Rat this-3 PL . POS NEG -exist REL live ‘so of these children of Rat’s, there was not one who remained alive’ 94 [footnote 1, p. 130] See also the treatment of articles in § 272. 95 [Postscript, p. 132] Once in a while, speakers do indeed use the forms andio-do, etc. of two persons, etc., namely when one would expressly refer to both of them; -do appears then to have more of an emphatic function. te’inso ira’ai i-pe’ata ira-mo i Ana Wulaa from over.there 3 SG -have.as.slave 3 PL - PERF PN Child Gold mia atuu-do person that-3 PL . POS ‘after that, Gold Child took those people as slaves’ nahi kita men-tuwu ba i-mewoo boo-do NEG 1 PLN . FUT PL -live if 3 SG -have.smell decomposition.product-3 PL . POS mia anu me-mate alou-do person REL PL -dead that.down.there-3 PL . POS ‘we should not remain alive if the decomposition products of those dead people down there get to stinking’ The suffix -do can also be used with kanandio, kanatuu, kanarau, kanalou and kanatahu ‘like this, like that, thus’ see § 177, e.g. gau anu kanarau-do do REL like.that.over.there-3 PL . POS ‘behavior like that, such behavior’. 177. The words for ‘so, thus, like that’ are kanandio ‘like this’, kanatuu ‘like that there by you’, kanarau ‘like that yonder’, kanalou ‘like that down there’ and kanatahu ‘like that up there’. They are not to be segmented as kana and ndio, etc., but rather as kana and andio, etc., as emerges from Upper Mori. For kanandio, for example, Impo speakers say heleinie; inie is the equivalent of Tinompo andio, whereas the Impo equivalent of Tinompo ndio on the other hand is nuo. Examples of these forms are: ba kanarau pesiri moiko-o-mo to-pom-paho if like.that.over.there Orion’s.belt good-3 SG - PERF 1 PLN - TRI -plant ‘when Orion’s belt is like that, it’s good that we plant’ the speaker refers to a point which lies just above the horizon; cf. J. Kruyt 1924:145 [p. 132] kanalou kada ba to-po-weweu io tampi like.that.down.there AFFIRM if 1 PLN - TRI -make CN sheath ‘it must be like that if one makes a sheath’ another holds the object on his knees, thus LOWER ; compare § 191 kanatahu-mo ntu’u kada raha-do Tua i Koro Walelo like.that.up.there- PERF truly AFFIRM house-3 PL . POS Tuan at Koro Walelo ‘precisely like that up there is the house of the Tuan in Koro Walelo’ tewala kanatuu kami mem-pongu-ko when like.that 1 PLX . FUT PL -tie-2 SG ‘if it’s like that if that’s the case, we shall tie you up’ The expressions ba kanatuu and tewala kanatuu are actively used, and can often simply be rendered as ‘then’. gagi Nggapu andio l[um]ako mesikeno ndi Lagiwa, therefore Cat this PART :go PART :ask at Deer kanandio i-potae: … like.this 3 SG -say ‘then Cat went and made inquiries of Deer, as follows she spoke: …’ In keeping with § 174, kanandio however can also make reference to that which precedes. Both kanandio and kanatuu can also be used in indefinite meaning, just as in our language, e.g.: i-potae-akune kanandio ka kanatuu 3 SG -say- APPL :1 SG like.this and like.that ‘he spoke thus and so to me’ oleo kanandio day like.this ‘on such and such day’ where the day is left indefinite Furthermore, kanandio occurs after expressions which refer to a certain interval of time, with the meaning ‘from this moment on’, ‘past’, ‘over’, 96 for example: ipato-po kanandio four.nights- INCOMP like.this ‘over four days’ ‘still four nights from now’ asa wula kanandio one month like.this ‘over a month’ The meaning of kanandio in these cases is actually simply ‘now’. It has this meaning as well in other cases, e.g.: kanandio moruana-o-mo luwu sangka now cheap-3 SG - PERF all thing ‘now the goods are all inexpensive’ For that matter, for ‘now’ people usually use kanandio andio, compare Pamona se’i-se’i and wawa se’i, Napu ido-ido, etc. Adriani 1931:379. For example: ka i-da-hina tehu anu tuwu kanandio andio and 3 SG -still-exist rat REL alive like.this this ‘so that there are still rats who are alive at present’ tehu kanandio andio rat like.this this ‘rats at present’ If, however, one would localize the ‘at present’ in the sphere of the second or third persons, then kanatuu atuu, kanarau arau, etc. are used. Examples hereof are: kanatuu 97 atuu lako-mo like.that that go- PERF ‘now go’ 96 [Postscript, p. 132] Also -po by itself can be used in the meaning ‘over…’, e.g.: rua wongi-po kanandio aku l[um]ako two night- INCOMP like.this 1 SG . FUT PART :go ‘I shall be gone more than two days’ alternatively: rua wongi-po ka ku-lako two night- INCOMP and 1 SG -go ‘id.’ 97 [footnote 2, p. 132] Regarding possible shortening of this form, compare § 31. In this example kanatuu atuu is similar to tuumo and thus is no temporal modifier, although indeed it must be translated as ‘now’ see § 183. The intonation of this sentence is: ‘now seeing that things stand thus, because you so insist, just go then’. 98 kanalou alou ira-mo m-pon-tida ambau like.that.down.there that.down.there 3 PL . FUT - PERF PL - TRI -hack carabao ‘now they down there shall go slaughter a carabao’ regarding this method of slaughtering, see J. Kruyt 1924:200, 205 arau 99 arau ira-mo m-pong-kaa like.that.over.there that.over.there 3 PL . FUT - PERF PL - TRI -eat ‘now those yonder are starting to eat’ kanatahu atahu ta-mo tedoa usa a n-torukuno like.that.up.there that.up.there 3 SG . FUT - PERF very rain at LG -mountain ‘now it shall rain exceedingly heavily in the mountains’ ba nahia ongkue atuu motuwu-ko, kanatuu atuu if NEG : COP 1 SG . INDEP that PART :sustain-2 SG like.that that tehine-o-mo u-mate long.time-3 SG - PERF 2 SG -dead ‘if I had not provided for you, you should have been dead long before now’ As a rule, however, one uses kanandio andio. We thus see here again the preference for the demonstratives of the first person compare §§ 174 and 175. Herewith it can also be remarked that once in a while andio itself must be translated as ‘thus, like this’, such as in some of the examples given in § 218, also when andio modifies a participle which corresponds with an infinitive in Dutch, e.g. mo’ia-’ia andio na-hina tudu-no PART :stay this NEG -exist use-3 SG . POS ‘there is no use in remaining sitting still like this’. Series II. 178. With ndio, tuu, etc. one or more persons or objects are indicated which are not moving in a particular direction. One can render these with ‘here’, ‘there’, ‘yonder’, etc. but also in the absence of a copular verb as ‘here are’, ‘there are’, etc. The latter are important, because in these ‘here are’, ‘there are’, the full stress can fall on ‘ ARE ’. In this case in these demonstratives we have to do with equivalents of hina ‘there is, there are’, which distinguish themselves from hina only in that they each [p. 133] are localized in one of the five spheres mentioned in § 171 in connection with this they have a special use when the subject is ‘definite’ in the sense described in § 221. This further entails that in the latter function they be treated entirely as stative predicates, which is to say that they can occur in construction with the Set I personal pronouns § 143 ff. when there exists motivation for doing so, that they can be conjugated, that they can take the plural prefix me- see § 224, etc. see below. Only they cannot be used attributively, because andio, etc. serve this function. The difference between the two functions of Series II pronouns can be illustrated with the minimal pair ndio-o-mo ‘it is here already, it is already namely here’ versus ndio-mo ‘here it is, here is…, this is…’, e.g.: 98 [Postscript, p. 132] More customary is: kanatuu atuu, ko-mo l[um]ako like.that that 2 SG . FUT - PERF PART :go 99 [footnote 2, p. 132] From shortening; compare § 31. ndio-mo, aka, sinsi be.here- PERF older.sibling ring ‘see here, brother, a ring’ The difference between the two forms thus also extends to the particle mo: in the first case it can be rendered ‘already’, while in the second case it is merely emphatic, but in general this function is more correctly described as indicating a contrast with the preceding situation. In § 145 it was already mentioned that when ndio, etc. occur as the equivalent of hina ‘there is, there are’, just like the latter these also regularly receive the suffix -o third person singular enclitic pronoun when they are not followed by mo or po. One thus says ndio-o ‘he, she, it is here’, rau-o ‘he, she, it is over there’, just like hina-o. The following can serve as illustrations of the use of ndio etc. as adjectives: mansa-do m-pewangu mo’oru, na-m-i ndio aasa ambau at.once-3 PL . POS PL -arise morning NEG - PERF -3 SG be.here one carabao ‘when they had arisen the next morning, there was no longer one carabao’ 100 nahi komba ndio, l[um]ako i lere NEG by.any.means be.here PART :go to dry.field ‘he is not here, he has gone to the field’ nahi do-ndio Tua NEG 3 PL -be.here Tuan ‘the Tuan is not here’ ondae Tua nahi do-ndio 101 3 PL . INDEP Tuan NEG 3 PL -be.here ‘id.’ nahi komba do-me-ndio, me-lako ira-mo m-pom-paho NEG by.any.means 3 PL - PL -be.here PL -go 3 PL - PERF PL - TRI -plant ‘they are not here, they have gone out to plant’ ka do-me-lako meng-kita-kita-o s[in]ongi-do, na-m-i and 3 PL - PL -go PL - REDP -look-3 SG PASS :put.away-3 PL . POS NEG - PERF -3 SG tahu i dunsi up.there at attic ‘then they went looking for the one they had stowed away, she was no longer up in the attic’ 100 [footnote 1, p. 133] Literally ‘here was…’, in other words on the plot of ground where the story teller and his audience are located in their thoughts compare the remarks concerning andio in § 174. 101 [footnote 2, p. 133] If one says pleonastically nahi dondio ondae Tua, then ondae Tua is taken as one expression compare § 158. i-petehine-o-mo beine andio kombia-no i-petiimako, 3 SG -esteem.long.time-3 SG - PERF woman this spouse-3 SG . POS 3 SG -descend ndio-mo 102 metii k[um]ita-kita-o i wita, be.here- PERF PART :descend PART : REDP -see-3 SG at ground nahi lou NEG be.down.there ‘this woman realized that it was a long time that her husband had been below then she found that he remained below a long time, then she went down to look for him on the ground, but he was not below’ nde i-ko’aro’aroa rani andio ndio-o-mo ia uwoi because 3 SG -think forest.gnome this be.here-3 SG - PERF at water api anu p[in]otuwu-do mia m-pebangka andio-do fire REL PASS :sustain-3 PL . POS person PL -use.boat this-3 PL . POS ‘because the forest gnome thought that the fire being tended by the people in the boat was located in the water’ [p. 134] na-pi do-konde hawe Tua me-rau kami-mo NEG - INCOMP :3 SG 3 PL -even arrive Tuan PL -be.over.there 1 PLX - PERF men-sisikori ira kami-mo m-pong-kaa PL -await 3 PL 1 PLX . FUT - PERF PL - TRI -eat ‘at that time the Tuan had still not even come where we were already, waiting on His Grace to go eat’ metiimako i wita, i-kita-o saa anu mo-tungku PART :descend to earth 3 SG -see-3 SG python REL PART : TRI -peck boe andio da lou-o domesticated.pig this still be.down.there-3 SG ‘when he had descended to the ground, he saw that the python which had bitten the pig was still there’ In place of ndio-o, lou-o, tahu-o which commonly occur with da ‘be, still’, the forms without -o can also be used, but then with lengthening of the vowel of the first syllable see § 18. This results in expressions such as da ndiio, da raau, da loou, da taahu this lengthening is less common with tuu. If these forms do not stand alone, i.e. they are supplied with da, then the lengthening can be omitted compare § 179, e.g.: ka i-pensiro, da lou or: lou-o, loou mbo’u and 3 SG -look.down still down.there again ‘then he looked down, it was still there’ tama-no i Ponteoa ndio or: ndio-o, ndiio koa onae man-3 SG . POS at Ponteoa be.here just 3 SG . INDEP ‘the man of Ponteoa who was here’ 103

179. When tuu, rau, lou and tahu