β. as onset concerning indiawi ‘yesterday’ etc., see below: aki ‘raft’, Malay raki Brandes 1884:121. I have encountered this word only among the To Molio’a and
the To Tambee, peoples who border on the Pamona language area, where likewise aki is said. Perhaps it is thus a borrowed word. The usual Mori word for ‘raft’ is lanti.
γ. as coda: bose ‘oar’, Toba Batak borsi, Tagalog bagsay, Sundanese boseh
wiwi ‘lip, rim’, Malay bibir umili ‘sail downstream’, stem ili, Malay hilir, Javanese ili
uwoi ‘water’, IN wair, Malay air Brandes 1884:120, compare § 59 balo au ‘species of bamboo’, Malay aur, Mongondow aug, Gorontalo wawohu
moli Padoe ‘ear of rice’, cognate
PERHAPS
with Malay bulir, Javanese wuli, because this word is often used as a measure word, and aso moli ‘one ear’ could arise from aso mboli, aso mbuli thus wuli or
woli with the prenasalization characteristic of measure words. Compare, however, Upper Mori and Watu momoli ‘straight’, so that aso moli could also be compared with Tinompo asa ngkeu ‘one stalk’,
from keu, actually ‘tree, wood’
dali ‘buttress root’, Bisaya dalid, Sangirese daligĕ, Tagalog, etc. dalig, Buol daligu, Gayo, Toba Batak daling, Gorontalo dolidu thus irregular
93. The r is a more important reflex. This occurs:
α. intervocalically, in: ure ‘lines in the palm of the hand, veins in a leaf’ a doublet of ia, see § 91α
waro ‘glowing coal’, Malay bara see wea api, § 91α orusu Upper Mori ‘side’
97
compare ihu, § 91 β, Malay rusuk
lundara ‘female carabao which has not yet calved’, stem ndara or rara, Malay dara, Tagalog dalaga puru ‘quail’, Pamona id., Bugis uro, Tagalog pogo, Balinese puuh
monsiru, monsirupi ‘scoop, scoop up’,
98
Tombulu sahap, Bugis, Makasarese sero’ ‘scoop up’ Brandes 1884:121
99
[p. 62]
97
[footnote 5, p. 61 and Postscript, p. 59] The word for ‘rib’ is wuku orusu in Tinompo wuku hori. The word wuku ‘bone’, however, is once in a while omitted, e.g. Upper Mori wuku orusu or only orusu ‘rib’, Tinompo wuku ase-no bonti bone
chin-3
SG
.
POS
wild.pig or only aseno bonti ‘jawbone of a wild pig’.
98
[footnote 6, p. 61] Hereof also siru ‘spoon’, which is not to be identified with Pamona suyu, Malay sudu, Javanese suru, Karo Batak juruk, Tagalog soro, because these forms belong to the B-group of the R-L-D law, which would lead one to expect y
in Mori.
99
[Postscript, p. 61] There is also Naju Dayak sahep, but this is another word; Brandes then also cites sip as the Naju Dayak equivalent. Also the comparison of sahap and se’ro’ likewise from Brandes is not to be preserved. The p of monsirupi is not
required to be original, and the stem siru which as a substantive means ‘spoon’, see the preceding footnote, should then indeed
maparo ‘hoarse’, Malay parau mompasinggiri ‘mock, ridicule’, Malay sindir
mowuru ‘decayed, rotten’, Malay buruk; compare mokoburu ‘inspiring disgust, aversion’ mongkara ‘bite’, Karo Batak karat ‘id.’, Malay karat ‘rust’, Pamona tagara ‘id.’, Tagalog kagat,
Ponosakan kahat moluarako ‘bring outside’, meluarako ‘go outside’, Malay luar Brandes 1884:121
waru ‘a tree, H
IBISCUS TILIACEUS
’, Javanese id., Malay baru, Sangirese bahu, Pamona molowagu sorami Padoe ‘stubble’, Malay jĕrami; doublet of seami, § 91α
luria ‘durian’, compare rui ‘thorn’; the Padoe say larie. Especially this last form makes the derivation doubtful. Perhaps one should consider borrowing as Adriani supposed 1900:273, compare Javanese
durèn, next to rwi, ri momporo’i Upper Mori ‘squeeze’,
100
Malay p ĕrah, Mongondow pugut, Sangirese pĕhasĕ
wara ‘a kind of ulcer’, Malay barah kara stem, Toba Batak horang, Tagalog kagang Brandes 1884:119.
In Tambee mokara means ‘dry’ e.g. of the mouth through the use of lime. The usual meaning, however, is different; thus in Tinompo makara means ‘fierce’ of the sun, in Watu mokara means ‘very strong’ of a strong
drink, while in Padoe mokara likewise means ‘fierce’ of the sun, though one can also use it in Padoe in reference to vegetables which are very salty mokara ohio. This last is probably to be distinguished from the first, andor
brought together with that of the already mentioned mongkara ‘bite’ or with mokora ‘strong, heavy’ e.g. of wind, Malay k
ĕras.
101
Whether Molio’a kariango, a medicinal plant, Pamona id., Malay j ĕrangau and jeringau Brandes 1884:120 ‘a
kind of marsh grass root’, has been borrowed from Pamona is not certain. Karunsi’e has riango as the name of a plant, but whether or not this is the same plant I do not know, but the actual reference of the names is also of less
importance. [p. 63]
Another doubtful case is para ‘very’, which could be cognate with Malay p ĕram, Sundanese peuyeum, Batak
porom Brandes 1884:120, compare the Dayak form mentioned by Brandes, paham ‘very’.
correspond with Makasarese si’ru’, Bugis sinru’, Austronesian tin ḍuk ‘spoon’ Dempwolff, which thus belongs at home under
the A-group of the R-L-D law se’ro’ could then be a variant of si’ru’, sinru’.
100
[footnote 3, p. 62] Tinompo mompuro’i; in Padoe mompuroki and mompiroki ‘squeeze, press’ of sago, not of fruits.
101
[footnote 5, p. 62] Perhaps also mokoranga ‘thirsty’ is to be brought together with this kara. It appears to be formed from the prefix moko- § 351, and indeed moranga occurs in the meaning ‘wither, dry up and become crisp through the warmth of
the sun or fire’, but one also uses it in the meaning ‘crackling, crisp’, and it is well possible that this notion reflects the actual meaning of moranga. The verb mokoranga should then be formed with the suffix -a IN -
ĕn. For ‘thirsty’ Watu has mokoro’u, derived from the stem ro’u, compare Pamona mado’u ‘dried up’, Napu dou, Pu’u-mboto do’u ‘thirst’ Adriani 1928:s.v.,
compare also Bonerate moro’u ‘drink’ mokoro’u should then mean ‘requiring, needing to drink’, compare § 351 and Bonerate mutindo’u’ ‘thirsty’. Padoe has ke’area, likewise with -a -
ĕn, and to be derived from a stem are, which means ‘dry’. Finally Karunsi’e has mokongari, which perhaps has something to do with mokari ‘arid, parched, dried up’ which could be Malay
k ĕring, to which Padoe are also goes back.
Other forms with moko- such as mokoninggo ‘hungry’ could also have had an influence on the development of these forms.
β. at the beginning, in: riwu ‘thousand’, Malay ribu, Old Javanese iwu
robu ‘bamboo sprout as vegetable’, Padoe rowu, Malay rĕbung, Javanese ĕbung terowa Upper Mori ‘fallen over’, Malay rĕbah
rawu Padoe, Karunsi’e, Tinompo ‘white vapor, mist’, Malay rabun, Bisaya gabun Upper Mori has gawu in the same meaning, while in Tinompo megawu-gawu also megawu is used in the sense of
‘not clearly visible’ e.g. because of haziness or distance.
102
For this the Karunsi’e use back again merawu-rawu.
103
The form morawu is also very usual in Tinompo, where it means ‘hard of seeing, nearly blind’, also ‘entirely blind’. The word thus originally referred to the unclarity, haziness of the optical images of someone
who sees poorly, and is a variant of gawu. Concerning ngkiniwia ‘evening’, see § 51.
94. Examples of g as reflex are:
