A. S e Books 27 Esser Mead Phonology Mori

with indefinite objects. When the verb in question has a DEFINITE object, then only the usual conjugated verb form such as described in § 151 can be used. Another point of difference with Pamona is the use in Mori of the suffix -a denoting place and also time, which has been lost in Pamona so that the verbal noun there now also denotes the PLACE or the TIME of the action in question, and thus has a very broad function the same applies mutatis mutandis to the abstracts of adjectives. This point, however, can be left out of consideration here, because a Mori conjugated form, whether or not arising from ‘transposition’ of a substantive construction, never occurs with a suffix -a excepting of course the few cases in which -a belongs to the secondary stem; see Chapter 2. A finite form originating from ‘transposition’ can be expected of a plural-marked form, just as with other conjugated and unconjugated forms. See § 222 ff. [p. 170] A few things shall become more clear through examples. These are to be divided into three categories in which in each case a conjugated form, originating from a transposed substantive construction, occurs: A. Sentences with a transitive verb and definite object. B. Sentences with an intransitive verb or a transitive verb with indefinite object. C. Sentences with an adjective.

213. A. S

ENTENCES WITH A TRANSITIVE VERB AND DEFINITE OBJECT . This first category presents no particular difficulties. The construction is except for the pronominal, quasi-pleonastic cross-referencing of the object; see § 143, the same as that of the English, such as appears from: isua u-hawe-o ama-mu? where 2 SG -encounter-3 SG father-2 SG . POS ‘where did you meet your father?’ kanandio i-’oliwi ira mia t[in]ena-no like.this 3 SG -advise 3 PL person PASS :send-3 SG . POS ‘he gave the following charge to the people he sent out’ B. S ENTENCES WITH AN INTRANSITIVE VERB OR A TRANSITIVE VERB WITH INDEFINITE OBJECT . Of more importance is the second category. The following examples serve as illustrations: olai-o-mo ntu’u do-m-pelempa far-3 SG - PERF truly 3 PL - PL -leap ‘they leaped very far’ kana anu mo’ia a n-toto raha ku-po’ia a n-toto kompo-no like REL PART :live at LG -under house 1 SG -live at LG -under belly-3 SG . POS ‘it was as if one found himself under his house when I stayed under his belly’ ‘my stay under his belly was like as if someone who found himself under a house’ ndio koa melulu i-lako a n-sala be.here only PART :run 3 SG -go at LG -road ‘he just ran across the road’ ‘only running was his going across the road’ onae-mo ka i-kohali-hali-ako-no Datu luwu-no anu 3 SG . INDEP - PERF and 3 SG -astonished- APPL -3 SG Monarch all-3 SG . POS REL gagi do-m-po-’angga mia andio-do become 3 PL - PL - TRI -work person this-3 PL . POS ‘then the ruler was astonished about all of what became of it WHEN these men worked’ ‘...by means of the working of these men.’ Compare § 218; one could also translate this last sentence ‘then the ruler was surprised about all of what became of the work of these men’ lit., ‘what the work of these men became’, in which case the hypothetical verbal noun which serves as the starting point should refer to the ‘object of the action’, which sense this form also has on other occasions. sine nahi do-m-peroronge-ako-no ine-do i-pepau-ako ira andio but NEG 3 PL - PL -listen- APPL -3 SG mother-3 PL . POS 3 SG -speak- APPL 3 PL this ‘they would just not listen to their mother who spoke to them so’ ‘…according to 5 this her speaking to them.’ Presumably however in this case one must admit attraction of the logical object, 6 and thus going back to ‘they would not listen to the speaking of their mother to them’. ku-ronge komiu koa hieno wongi i-pewangu um-ala-o 1 SG -hear 2 PL only near.past night 2 PL -arise PART -get-3 SG lemba-ku ka i-’amba t[um]unu-o jacket-1 SG . POS and 2 PL -then PART :burn-3 SG ‘I just heard you last night get up and take my jacket, in order to then burn it’ with attraction as in the preceding example. However with ‘transposition’ attraction of the logical object or subject doesn’t always take place, compare: [p. 171] umari-o-mo do-m-pom-pakale-ako-no, l[um]ako ira-mo finish-3 SG - PERF 3 PL - PL - TRI -pack- APPL -3 SG PART :go 3 PL - PERF i raha-no i Bonti-bonti at house-3 SG . POS PN Little.Wild.Pig ‘when they had finished making everything ready for her departure lit. when it was finished that they…, they went on their way to Little Wild Pig’s house. C. S ENTENCES WITH AN ADJECTIVE . One finds conjugated forms of adjectives in: tehine-o-mo ku-mahaki long.time-3 SG - PERF 1 SG -sick ‘I’ve been sick a long time’ from ‘my sickness has already been long’ sio n-ta’u nggu-hawe nine LG -year 1 SG -come ‘nine years ago I had come’ This last short sentence is from a line of verse in which nggu-hawe stands for ku-hawe, see footnote 1, p. 18. More examples are to be found in the following paragraphs, where particular cases of ‘transposition’ of substantive constructions are dealt with. 5 [footnote 1, p. 170] Confer § 218. 6 [footnote 2, p. 170] Compare sentences such as: mansa-no k[um]ita-o i Bibiundi i Bange motae at.once-3 SG . POS PART :see-3 SG PN Wild.Duck PN Monkey that i-’apipi-o-mo meti kae-no 3 SG -squeeze-3 SG - COM oyster hand-3 SG . POS ‘no sooner had Wild Duck seen Monkey, than the oyster pinched squeezed its hand’. Conjugated forms following ka. 214. The conjunction ka, which has the meanings ‘so that, that’ in a number of functions of this conjunction, see below and ‘and’, owes its origin to the ‘transposition’ of certain categories of substantive constructions see § 247. It is namely nothing other than the prefix ka-, loosened from substantive constructions in which use was made of this prefix. This can be demonstrated from Mori itself with the help of Pamona and other Indonesian languages. In Pamona for example one frequently uses a nexus-substantive verbal noun of a verb, or abstract of an adjective whether or not supplied with the preposition ri, in order to indicate the cause or reason of something, for example: na-bobaki ananggodi setu kaja’a ndaya-nya 3 SG -hit child that ugliness heart-3 SG . POS ‘he hit that child on account of his anger’ or also ri kaja’a ndayanya nabobaki ananggodi setu ‘in on account of his anger…’. In this sentence the cause of the hitting is indicated by kaja’a, nexus-substantive of maja’a ‘ugly, angry’, further defined by the genitive ndaya- nya ‘of his heart’. Other nexus-substantives verbal nouns can occur in this function, but the ka-forms are nevertheless the most important category, witness Pamona maka, the conjunction indicating volitional causality which is based on constructions like the ones mentioned above Adriani 1899:534–536. This conjunction also occurs in other languages of Indonesia, and the various meanings which it has in Malay for example it indicates consequence, in Mori it has the meaning ‘if’, ‘in case’, etc.; see Adriani 1899:539 ff. show that constructions such as the aforementioned have not only causal force, but fulfill or have fulfilled various functions over the course of time. That they have had final power emerges from sentences such as Pamona: pakulisi yaku ku-katuwu medicate 1 SG 1 SG -live ‘treat me with medicine, so that I might live’ in which ku-katuwu is to be considered as ‘transposition’ of katuwu-ku, [p. 172] tawala-mo na-kamate 7 lance- PERF 3 SG -die ‘stick it with the lance so that it dies’ etc. To indicate a consecutive sentence connection, Pamona uses the same form but preceded by pai ‘and’. 8 Perhaps pai is added secondarily to differentiate the two constructions, compare: na-’iowaka yunu-nya na-polonco 3 SG -urge comrade-3 SG . POS 3 SG -run.hard ‘he spurred his comrade on to run hard’ na-’iowaka yunu-nya pai na-polonco 3 SG -urge comrade-3 SG . POS and 3 SG -run.hard ‘he spurred his comrade on so that he ran hard’ The origin of the Mori conjunction ka in the meaning ‘so that’, ‘that’, ‘and’ is hereby sufficiently clarified. 9 The meaning ‘and’ is the youngest; it is weakened from the cause-marking meaning compare Malay maka and § 160. It 7 [footnote 1, p. 172] The conjunction naka ‘so that’ has arisen from forms such as these, thus na is actually the prefixed third person pronoun. 8 [footnote 2, p. 172] Also pai naka in the meaning ‘so that’. See the preceding footnote. 9 [footnote 3, p. 172] By this it is not my intention to say that the course of development must have had precisely the same development in Mori as in Pamona, see below § 216. remains to be observed that this ‘transposition’ has proceeded in somewhat other directions in its working out in Mori than in Pamona. Where for example the Pamona say nakatuwu 3 SG -ka-live, Mori has ka ituwu ka 3 SG -live. So in Mori we do not encounter forms such as naka, etc. but rather ka followed by a conjugated form or a future form. 10 Examples of ka, arranged according to meaning, are: po-tuwu aku, ka ku-po-wee-ko pakuli melere CAUS -live 1 SG that 1 SG - TRI -give-2 SG medicine PART :have.garden ka i-hadio koa pae-mu. that 3 SG -many only rice-2 SG . POS ‘Let me live, so that I will give you the magic spells for the agriculture, so that your rice will be much’ luwu-no mia anu mo’ia i tonga lere me-’aiwa ira-mo all-3 SG . POS person REL PART :live at middle garden PL -come 3 PL - PERF i inia, nde potae-do ba do-me-mate ka i-’asa 11 koa at village because speech-3 PL . POS if 3 PL - PL -die that 3 SG -one only mate-a-do die- NZR -3 PL . POS ‘All the people who had been in the fields came to the village, as their intention was, if they should must die, then they should die in one and the same place …that then only one their place of dying should be’ sine ka ku-lako but that 1 SG -go ‘but let me go away that I go away’ lalu-o-po ka i-’aiwa mo’ia i Paantoule surpass-3 SG - INCOMP that 3 SG -come PART :live at Paantoule ‘rather let him come live at Paantoule’ omue-mo mokongkooro kami ka do-n-tewali saa wali-ku 2 SG . INDEP - PERF PART :cheat 1 PLX that 3 PL - PL -become python friend-1 SG . POS ‘you are the one who cheated us so that my companions have become pythons’ komba ndi aku mekombe ka ku-’aiwa s[um]apoi komiu by.no.means be.here 1 SG crazy that 1 SG -come PART :make.war 2 PL ‘I am not crazy so that I should come make war on you all’ onae-mo pu’u-no ka do-m-pe’iwali tehu ka ngeo 3 SG . INDEP - PERF base-3 SG . POS that 3 PL - PL -be.enemies rat and cat ‘that’s the reason that rats and cats stand on the brink of war with each other’ 10 [Postscript, p. 172] If a future form follows after ka, then a glottal is inserted in ka aku… and ka ira…; the pronominal prefixes i- and u- are not preceded by glottal see § 80 ff. above, while in the combinations ka iko…, ka ita… the glottal is optional. The Upper Mori often use kano in place of ka ka no; see § 241, especially in the meaning ‘so that’, for example ka-no ika ku-leko ka no-ika ku-leko and-3 SG NEG 1 SG -go ‘so that I not go’ in this case, in which two different elements ka follow one another, it appears that no cannot be omitted, ka-no a-n-do ka no’ando no-leko and-3 SG NEG - LG - PERF 3 SG -go or ka nondo noleko ka ndo noleko, ka no noleko; see footnote 1, p. 211 ‘so that he no longer goes’. When ka means ‘in order that’ this doesn’t seem to be usual, unless koa co-occurs with it kano no koa leko, etc.; see § 241. 11 [footnote 4, p. 172] Compare § 219. olo-’oloo metobu ka i-petonga-m-pada REDP -often PART :traverse.forest and 3 SG -traverse.middle- LG -grassy.plain ‘now once again he went through the forest then again through the grassy plain alternately he went through the forest and the grassy plain’ [p. 173] motaha ira m-po-nahu m-pong-kaa ira-mo ka do-m-po-’inu done 3 PL PL - TRI -cook PL - TRI -eat 3 PL - PERF and 3 PL - PL - TRI -drink ‘when they were done cooking, they ate and they drank’ ondae i Bange ka i Re’a 3 PL . INDEP PN Monkey and PN Turtle ‘Monkey and Turtle’ Other aspects of the use of ka are treated in the following paragraph; see also § 240. Whenever two substantives are linked by ka in the meaning of ‘and’ such as in the last example, naturally no conjugated form can be employed. If two adjectives are linked by ka, and the force of ka is nothing other than that of the conjunction ‘and’, then the conjugated form is sometimes—and sometimes not—used, 12 e.g.: mia me-’o’ondau ka do-me-mewowalo person PL -long and 3 PL - PL -stout ‘tall and stout men’ The weakening of the meaning of ka to ‘and’ must of itself result in a tendency for the conjugated form to fade away in similar situations. Apart from that, a conjugated form or a future form always follows ka. An example of a future form after ka is: onae-mo pu’u-no ka ta l[um]ako 3 SG . INDEP - PERF basis-3 SG . POS that 3 SG . FUT PART :go ‘that’s the reason that he shall go’ 215. Although there are many cases in which our conjunction ‘that, so that’ cannot be rendered with ka, 13 one can nevertheless say that the latter is the equivalent of the former. As is apparent in § 214, ‘that’ as the translation of 12 [Postscript, p. 173] The same applies whenever the first element of such a construction consists of something else, such as in the last example of § 154. 13 [footnote 1, p. 173] After words which mean ‘say’, ‘know’, ‘see’, ‘hear’ and the such, motae literally ‘saying’ occurs in the function of our ‘that’, e.g.: ku-ronge-o-mo motae m-pe’u’ua ira 1 SG -hear-3 SG - PERF PART :say PL -quarrel 3 PL ‘I have heard that they quarrel’ lako pau-ako-no motae laki’ana-no do-men-tawa-o-mo iwali go tell- APPL -3 SG PART :say nephew-3 SG . POS 3 PL - PL -capture-3 SG - PERF enemy ‘Go tell him that the enemies have taken his nephew captive’ mentee koa ntu’u, Onitu, motae raha-mu? true only truly Ghost PART :say house-2 SG . POS ‘Is it really true, Ghost, that this is your house?’ Also nine from ninee, literally ‘said’ occurs thus, for example: da-po i-kita-o mia mom-pora andio nine momaru-o-mo be- INCOMP 3 SG -see-3 SG person PART : TRI -ambush this that PART :climb-3 SG - PERF aasa rani one forest.gnome ‘as soon as the man who lay in ambush saw that one of the forest gnomes had climbed in a tree…’ ka mostly corresponds with the meaning ‘so that’. There are however other cases. Thus ka in ranta ka corresponds with our ‘that’ in the sense of ‘until that’: ranta ka i-mate until and 3 SG -die ‘until he dies’ penaa-no maroso puuri-o sumpi-no ranta ka i-’olai breath-3 SG . POS strong blow-3 SG blowgun-3 SG . POS until and 3 SG -far i-lako mata sumpi 3 SG -go dart blowgun ‘his breath is powerful in the blowing of his blowgun, until to the extent that, so that the blowgun dart goes far’ ranta kanandio andio until like.this this ‘up until now’ nahi ranta mong-kaa NEG until PART : TRI -eat ‘he hasn’t eaten yet’ also ‘he didn’t succeed in eating, he never ate once, he absolutely did not eat’ People also switch the order of ranta and ka, for example: kanandio-mo i-po-gau ka do-ranta mekule like.this- PERF 3 SG -work and 3 PL -until PART :return ‘like that he worked until they returned’ Compare also: i-’e’ema-o ari ka ku-hawe ndi omiu 2 PL -wait-3 SG first and 1 SG -arrive with 2 PL . INDEP ‘wait for it first that I come with you’ Another example is: gaagi konta-o-mo kapo-no pontiana, tekai a buani, thus contact-3 SG - PERF claw-3 SG . POS pontiana hooked at net rau-mo ira’ai ka do-m-pepate-o be.over.there- PERF over.there and 3 PL - PL -kill-3 SG ‘in that way the claws of the pontiana a forest spirit of a woman who died during her pregnancy; cf. J. Kruyt 1924:212 remained fast, hooked in the net, and there it was that they killed her’ [p. 174] In this case however ka can be omitted, just as in English one can say ‘there they killed her’ without ‘that’. The clause introduced by ka is a subordinate clause, a component of the matrix clause in the form of an embedded clause. gagi do-liu-liu men-to’ori-o nine ta’i ambau become 3 PL - REDP -immediately PL -know-3 SG that excrement carabao ‘like that then they perceived immediately that it was carabao dung’ Compare also the following: nahi komba motae ki-m-pe’inungako-no NEG by.any.means that 1 PLX - PL -do.volitionally-3 SG ‘not that we had done it on purpose’ If one uses the ‘transposed’ substantive construction without ka, however, then one has a single clause. The following examples can serve as illustration of the difference between the constructions referred to here with and without ka: sio n-ta’u mbo’u ka do-men-saki i wita-do nine LG -year again then 3 PL - PL -cross.over at earth-3 PL . POS ‘again nine years, and then they had crossed over to their land it took nine years before they had crossed over to their land’ Compare this sentence with the following: sio n-ta’u nggu-hawe nine LG -year 1 SG -arrive ‘I arrived nine years ago’ tehine-o-mo ku-mahaki long.time-3 SG - PERF 1 SG -sick ‘long ago I was sick’ da kode-kodei kalamboro atuu ka i-potuwu-o still REDP -small people.eater that and 3 SG -raise-3 SG ‘the people eater was still small, then he raised him …and then he began to raise him’ 14 Compare herewith: 15 da i-kode-kodei nana’ote atuu i-potuwu-o still 3 SG - REDP -small child that 3 SG -raise-3 SG ‘while that child was still small, he raised him’ In the first case the raising begins at a certain point of time of his youth, but nothing is said about the end; in the second case the period of raising and that of his youth fall together. In the last example one can also use ka, evidently without much difference in meaning. From the above it already becomes clear that whether or not ka is used, in many cases it produces very little change in the meaning. When a clause is introduced by mansa ‘no sooner than’, ‘after’ followed by a possessive pronoun; see § 148, among others ka is often but by far not always used in the following clause. I consider this use of ka to be pleonastic, just like its English rendition ‘then’. Examples with and without ka are: mansa-no wongi, ka do-paka ira totoka-do andio at.once-3 SG . POS night then 3 PL -feed 3 PL guest-3 PL . POS this ‘when it was dark, then they gave their visitors to eat’ 14 [footnote 1, p. 174] I-potuwu-o can mean ‘he raised him up’ as well as ‘he was going to raise him’, because as in other Indonesian languages Mori has in general no separate forms for expressing an inchoative meaning. Compare further etc., etc.: mansa-no ta hawe um-ala-o onae-mo ka i-pengese at.once-3 SG . POS 3 SG . FUT come PART -get-3 SG 3 SG . INDEP - PERF and 3 SG -weep nana’ote andio child this ‘when he was going to come take it, then the child began to weep’ i Tanggasi andio mo-rombi-o-mo PN Tarsier this PART : TRI -knock-3 SG - PERF ‘Tarsier started to knock the palm inflorescence’ 15 [from main text, p. 174] Concerning da i-kode-kodei ‘when he was small’ versus da kode-kodei ‘he was still small’, see § 218. mansa-no mo’oru mbo’u ka i-pewangu lako k[um]ita-o at.once-3 SG . POS early.morning again then 3 SG -arise go PART :see-3 SG ‘while it was yet early morning, then he stood up to go look at it’ mansa-no mo’oru mewangu-o-mo lako k[um]ita-o wuwu-no at.once-3 SG . POS early.morning PART :arise-3 SG - PERF go PART :see-3 SG trap-3 SG . POS ‘when it was early morning, he arose to go look at his traps’ [p. 175] ba motaha-o-mo ka u-’amba wawa-ako-no ama-mu if done-3 SG - PERF then 2 SG -then carry- APPL -3 SG father-2 SG . POS ‘when it is done, you must next bring it to your father’ See also §§ 216 and 218. After da’iaopo see § 162 in a preceding clause, often onae ka occurs pleonastically in the second clause, for example: da-’iao-po i-ronge-o pau-no ine-no i Bonti-bonti, be-3 SG - INCOMP 3 SG -hear-3 SG talk-3 SG . POS mother-3 SG . POS PN Little.Wild.Pig onae-mo ka i-potae… 3 SG . INDEP - PERF then 3 SG -say ‘no sooner had they heard the words of Little Wild Pig’s mother, than they said…’ da-’iao-po i-hawe, mesikeno-o-mo i Bonti-bonti be-3 SG - INCOMP 3 SG -arrive PART :ask-3 SG - PERF PN LIttle.Wild.Pig ‘no sooner had she come, than Little Wild Pig asked…’ The particle ka is not pleonastic in sentences such as the following: umari mong-kaa ka i-’ala-o lemba-no finish PART : TRI -eat then 3 SG -get-3 SG jacket-3 SG . POS ka i-petii l[um]ako then 3 SG -descend PART :go ‘he was finished eating, and then he took her jacket and then he descended from the house to set off’ that is to say, ‘when he was finished with eating, he took her jacket, descended from the house and set off’. One often encounters compounded sentences in which clauses without conjunctions are simply placed next to each other, for example: mon-soru i Elu-’elu, tededengke i Lagiwa, melulu PART : TRI -burn PN Orphan take.fright PN Deer PART :run.hard ‘Orphan burned, Deer became frightened and ran away’ in other words, ‘when the Orphan burned, the Deer took fright and ran away’. langkai-o-mo i Ana Wulaa andio, mon-to’ori-o-mo mewuwu. big-3 SG - PERF PN Child Gold this TRI -know-3 SG - PERF PART :use.trap ‘Gold Child had become big, he learned to set traps’ in other words, ‘when Gold Child had become big, he could set traps’. Where it appears that some constructions for example with ka are the product of a transposition process, one can consider such constructions to be very old.

216. Ka also has the meaning ‘as soon as, once that, after that’ in the following sentences: