combination of the locative elements i and an; in the corresponding
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Malay form diam, the n has changed into m. Another example is kaanga ‘food’, and Upper Mori kukaango etc. ‘I eat it’, etc., from the stem k
ān ‘eat’.
84. An initial n has been lost in: ongo ‘paddy bug, the walang sangit’, Ampana nango, Sangirese tanango,
Malay c ĕnangau; inahu ‘greens’ specifically peas and beans,
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from ninahu ‘that which is or gets cooked’, from monahu ‘cook’. A medial n has been lost in Tiu kukaa’o etc., the same as Tinompo kukaano ‘I eat it’, stem k
ān. An m has been lost initially in u- and i-, pronominal prefixes of respectively the second person singular and
second person plural, compare Watu and Moiki mu-, mi-;
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and medially in Watu inggai and mai, respectively independent and possessive pronouns of the first person plural exclusive, compare Karunsi’e inggami and mami,
Upper Mori ikami and mami.
85. In certain cases ng alternates with m,
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thus in katumo ‘forest aphid’, Pamona katumo and katungo, Malay tungau; in ulima ‘stern’, Tontemboan wuling, Sangirese uling; and in mepangenga Ulu Uwoi ‘romp’, Tinompo
mamenga, pamenga.
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In Tambee the form is given as pangema, which could reflect metathesis; the stem is benga, see § 27.
Alternation of m and n occurs in kunepo ‘overhanging rocks’, Padoe kumepo, Pamona kumapa, also in mesimi ‘peep through cracks in the wall’, Watu mesisini.
Alternation of ng and n occurs in Tinompo nee, Upper Mori ngee ‘name’, Old Javanese ngaran, and in Watu tondongi, Tinompo tondoni ‘sign, distinguishing mark’, Pamona tondoni.
The same alternation must also be remarked about in the manner in which IN ny is represented in Mori. Rightly n must be received as the usual reflex, e.g. ponu ‘sea turtle’, Bugis, Malay p
ĕnyu; menani ‘sing’, [p. 57]
Malay nyanyi; mo’ena ‘weave’, Malay anyam.
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But sometimes another nasal occurs, e.g. m in meoa ‘a species of wasp’, Pamona nyaua, Sundanese nyiruan, Balinese nyawan the e of the first syllable of meoa probably originated under
the influence of the ny, compare § 38. In the borrowed word ngara ‘horse’, Bugis anyarang, the ny is replaced by ng, while the To Molio’a and other Upper Mori peoples turn it into mara.
Finally mention must be made of the alternation of n and l, in which as a rule the l must be considered the original sound. Examples are: nohu ‘rice mortar’, Malay lesung; monangoi, monangui ‘swim’, Acehnese
meulangue, Old Javanese langui; toniso ‘finger, toe’ from montiso ‘point out’, with infix -al-, Pamona tanuju, Malay t
ĕlunjuk ‘index finger’. Cases in which related languages have n corresponding to Mori l are: polangku Padoe, Pamona panangku ‘a kind of wild duck’ in Malay b
ĕlibis, and lure ‘a kind of parrot’, Malay nuri or luri.
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[footnote 2, p. 56] Except for the initial d. Pamona also has the form ian next to ingan, while the locative preposition there is di, just as it is in Malay. In Mori the prepositions i and ndi Molio’a, etc. ri occur next to each other. Presumably here
one has to do with an old doublet. Compare still further Pamona meari ‘reside’, from an + ri, also locative prepositions in the language.
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[Postscript, p. 56] Beans have the specific name inahu walanda or wua inahu walanda.
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[footnote 5, p. 56] It appears less probable to me that Tinompo i- should go back to Tiu ndi-, Pamona id.
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[Postscript, p. 56] A preference for the nasal m is to be ascertained in the attachment of suffixes.
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[Postscript, p. 56] Like Ulu Uwoi mepangenga and Tambee pamenga, both mamenga and pamenga are adjectives, though conjugated forms can be derived only from the latter. Tinompo pamenga thus lines up with other p-initial adjectives such as
pe’o’ole and pewela § 324.
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[footnote 1, p. 57] The comparison is handicapped in that ny must so often be considered as non-original e.g. in Malay, that is as originating from n. Whether this applies of every instance of ny Fokker 1895:41 can here remain outside of
consideration, because in any case Mori must have possessed an ny or related sound, which appears from both the various representations of ny, as well as the established former existence of Mori j or
ḍ, which when prenasalized must have sounded ñj or
ṇḍ.
Concerning nasals which arise from prenasalized sounds, see § 27.
l.
86. In general l is an original sound in Mori. Examples: olipa ‘centipede’, Malay halipan; molai ‘go at a run’,
Malay lari; lumako ‘go’, Malay laku; le’uha ‘nit’, Batak, Javanese, Sundanese lisa, Tombulu l ĕse’a; otolu ‘three’,
Malayo-Polynesian t ĕlu; lidi ‘leaf rib of the aren palm, etc.’, Malay id.; limonti ‘species of ant’, Tontemboan
lalam ĕntic; mo’ala ‘take’, Javanese, Tontemboan alap. In onomatopoeia and motion words: gogolo, said of the soft
sucking sound of mud as one sinks down in it, and the such; kolohuko, wunggoloko, birds, named after their sounds; monggelo-nggelo ‘move the body back and forth, twist’, said of snakes, fishes, and the such in Sampalowo nggelo
means ‘snake’.
87. An initial l has been lost in api ‘layer’, Pamona api and lapi, Malay lapis, Mori ompeo linapi ‘two mats
sewn together’ Pamona also has tapi, however and also in engke ‘posture of running, etc.’, Pamona engko, compare Pamona lengko ‘move’.
A medial l has been lost in: saira ‘sickle’, Pamona salira; sole dawa or soe dawa both Padoe ‘maize’; tee-tee Karunsi’e, used as a term of address for small girls Tinompo sele, Parigi tile ‘vagina’; mompaisi Upper Mori
‘wipe’, Pamona palisi; momposaa ‘divert water in order to dry out a piece of ground’, if at any rate saa is a doublet of sala, Malay salah, source meaning ‘next to it’;
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nggio-nggio ‘firefly’, compare mangkilo ‘glittering, glistening’.
88. An l alternates with r in:
