When tuu, rau, lou and tahu

i-petehine-o-mo beine andio kombia-no i-petiimako, 3 SG -esteem.long.time-3 SG - PERF woman this spouse-3 SG . POS 3 SG -descend ndio-mo 102 metii k[um]ita-kita-o i wita, be.here- PERF PART :descend PART : REDP -see-3 SG at ground nahi lou NEG be.down.there ‘this woman realized that it was a long time that her husband had been below then she found that he remained below a long time, then she went down to look for him on the ground, but he was not below’ nde i-ko’aro’aroa rani andio ndio-o-mo ia uwoi because 3 SG -think forest.gnome this be.here-3 SG - PERF at water api anu p[in]otuwu-do mia m-pebangka andio-do fire REL PASS :sustain-3 PL . POS person PL -use.boat this-3 PL . POS ‘because the forest gnome thought that the fire being tended by the people in the boat was located in the water’ [p. 134] na-pi do-konde hawe Tua me-rau kami-mo NEG - INCOMP :3 SG 3 PL -even arrive Tuan PL -be.over.there 1 PLX - PERF men-sisikori ira kami-mo m-pong-kaa PL -await 3 PL 1 PLX . FUT - PERF PL - TRI -eat ‘at that time the Tuan had still not even come where we were already, waiting on His Grace to go eat’ metiimako i wita, i-kita-o saa anu mo-tungku PART :descend to earth 3 SG -see-3 SG python REL PART : TRI -peck boe andio da lou-o domesticated.pig this still be.down.there-3 SG ‘when he had descended to the ground, he saw that the python which had bitten the pig was still there’ In place of ndio-o, lou-o, tahu-o which commonly occur with da ‘be, still’, the forms without -o can also be used, but then with lengthening of the vowel of the first syllable see § 18. This results in expressions such as da ndiio, da raau, da loou, da taahu this lengthening is less common with tuu. If these forms do not stand alone, i.e. they are supplied with da, then the lengthening can be omitted compare § 179, e.g.: ka i-pensiro, da lou or: lou-o, loou mbo’u and 3 SG -look.down still down.there again ‘then he looked down, it was still there’ tama-no i Ponteoa ndio or: ndio-o, ndiio koa onae man-3 SG . POS at Ponteoa be.here just 3 SG . INDEP ‘the man of Ponteoa who was here’ 103

179. When tuu, rau, lou and tahu

104 do not occur in their adjectival function, they can likewise be followed by a Set I personal pronoun § 142, excepting, however, that of the third person singular -o. 105 In the other persons there is thus no difference, when the plural prefix me- or the particle mo § 178 are not used. Examples are: 102 [Postscript, p. 133] Concerning the special use of ndio-mo in cases such as this, see § 183 below. 103 [footnote 1, p. 134] ‘Here’, that is to say, where the story takes place compare p. 133, footnote 1. 104 [footnote 2, p. 134] Concerning ndio, see § 180 ff. hoo tuu ira-mo boe hey be.there 3 PL - PERF domesticated.pig ‘hey, there you have the pigs’ tahu-mo i Wula, me-nggena-nggena 106 kami up.there- PERF PN Moon PART : INTR - REDP -same 1 PLX ‘up there is Moon, we are like unto each other’ rau ira-mo mia ho-pulu ira be.over.there 3 PL - PERF person one-ten 3 PL ‘there yonder are ten people’ Compare: me-rau ira-mo mia ho-pulu ira PL -be.over.there 3 PL - PERF person one-ten 3 PL ‘there are already ten people present’ When in the last two sentences -mo is omitted, then the two expressions barely differ from each other. 107 The sentence rau ira mia hopulu ira can be translated as ‘there yonder are ten people’, merau ira mia hopulu ira as ‘there are ten people present’, but because stress falls neither on the being present nor on ‘there’, one can say that both sentences amount to the same thing. Particularly when nothing further is said about a subject than that it ‘is here’ or ‘is there’ so that no emphasis falls on the latter, one can use both constructions next to each other. Examples are: da tuu-o mong-kaa ke itu’ai mia modoko andio? still be.there-3 SG PART : TRI -eat INTERROG there person gluttonous this ‘is the glutton still present there by you, eating?’ da tuu mong-kaa ke itu’ai mia modoko andio? still be.there PART : TRI -eat INTERROG there person gluttonous this ‘is the glutton still there by you eating?’ da men-tuu 108 komiu m-pong-kaa? still PL -be.there 1 PLX PL - TRI -eat ‘are you all still there eating?’ rau wela mo-binti watu be.over.there regularly PART : TRI -heave rock ‘he is there yonder heaving stones’ 109 [p. 135] 105 [Postscript, p. 134] The suffix -o can nevertheless occur with the constructions ndio raane, etc. mentioned in § 189. Furthermore ndio-o-mo occurs in the sense of ‘he … already’, see § 181. 106 [from main text, p. 134] Menggena-nggena is used for mengkena-ngkena because this a line of poetry; see footnote 1, p. 18. 107 [Postscript, p. 134] The difference between the two functions of ndio, etc. is perhaps not as great as it is described here and elsewhere. The plural prefix me- can sometimes also occur in the non-adjectival function, thus for example merau iramo mia hopulu ira can also mean ‘there are ten men, those are the ten men’. 108 [Postscript, p. 134] Here where me- is omitted in the presence of another plural form elsewhere in the clause, one could simply be dealing with language economy; see § 255. 109 [Postscript, p. 134] The sentence raumo wela mobinti watu is nearly identical, except that here raumo is stronger than rau, expressing surprise or something similar. Compare also: men-tahu kami m-po’ia-’ia meng-kohali-hali kami rundu PL -up.there 1 PLX PL -stay PL -surprised 1 PLX thunder bote meronga i-tii usa burst PART :be.together 3 SG -descend rain ‘we sat above in the house when suddenly we heard thunder immediately followed by the downpour of rain’ mansa-no l[um]ako i-kita ira-mo nana’ote andio at.once-3 SG . POS PART :go 3 SG -see 3 PL - PERF child this osio ira tahu ira m-pedolo nine 3 PL up.there 3 PL PL -bathe ‘when she went out, she saw the nine children upstream bathing’ Further illustrations may be found in § 180. Attention must still be drawn to the usage of the demonstratives of Series II versus those of Series I in sentences such as: wawa-akune tuu-mo bring- APPL :1 SG be.there- PERF ‘bring me that there’ wawa-akune atuu bring- APPL :1 SG that ‘bring me that’ In the first case the attention of the other must first be focused on the desired item through tuumo ‘there it is’, while in the latter case this is held by the addressee, for example in his hand. Other examples are: ala-akune ari tuu-mo hawu-ku tabea-mu get- APPL :1 SG first be.there- PERF sarong-1 SG . POS permit-2 SG . POS ‘just lit. first bring me my sarong there by you for me, if you would be so kind’ Isua ke ira’ai pae atuu? Metobu-tobu rau-mo. where INTERROG over.there field.rice that PART :in.clumps be.over.there- PERF ‘Where yonder is the rice mentioned by you? It stands in clumps yonder.’ 180. The deictic ndio distinguishes itself from the other demonstratives of Series II in that it regularly occurs in the short form ndi. 110 Combined with the personal pronouns of Set I, one thus has ndi aku, ndiko, ndi kita, ndi kami, rau-mo melendoako be.over.there- PERF PART :lay.oneself.out ‘there he lies’ So also tuumo in cases such as: tuu-mo mong-kaa tokoa mia modoko atuu be.there- PERF PART : TRI -eat in.reality person gluttonous that ‘there is that glutton eating’ But when the person or thing is pointed out, mo does not have this function. 110 [footnote 1, p. 135] Not to be confused with the preposition ndi § 274. [Postscript, p. 135] The other demonstratives tuu, rau, etc. are also sometimes encountered in shortened form, for example tuko from tuu ‘be there’ + ko ‘you’, ra ira from rau ‘be there yonder’ + ira ‘they’, lo ira from lou ‘be down there’ + ira ‘they’, tahira from tahu ‘be up there’ + ira ‘they’, etc. ndi komiu, and ndi ira. In the third person singular, however, the form ndi does not occur, but one always uses ndio. 111 In general, one can say that the long form ndio is used in the adjectival function see below however, and otherwise ndi except, of course, in the third person singular. Thus one says for example ndi aku-mo ‘here I am’, 112 versus ndio aku-mo ‘here I am already, I am already here’, but which can also mean ‘here I am’ see § 179 above. Compare also: ndi komiu-mo be.here 2 PL - PERF ‘here you are’ 113 ndi komiu-mo luwu palili-ku ka ihi-no inia andio be.here 2 PL - PERF all subject-1 SG . POS and content-3 SG . POS village this ‘here you all are, my subjects and the inhabitants of this place’ 114 a, ndio-ko-mo, mia anu lambaha ah be.here-2 SG - PERF person REL mean ‘so, there you are, villain’ In this example mo is strengthening, and thus ndio does not occur in its ‘adjectival’ function; here mo imparts a contrast with the preceding situation, when the addressee was not yet there. [p. 136] ndi ira-mo nana’ote otolu ira be.here 3 PL - PERF child three 3 PL ‘here are the three children’ oo Datu, aiwa ka i-pepate ira, ndi ira-mo oh Datu come and 2 PL -kill 3 PL be.here 3 PL - PERF bange anu meng-kaa-no osole miu monkey REL PL-eat-3 SG corn 2 PL . POS ‘O Datu, come so that you kill them, here are the monkeys who ate up your corn’ In both the above two cases, ndi iramo could also be replaced by ndio iramo. Conversely, for: ndio ira-mo nana’ote orua ira be.here 3 PL - PERF child two 3 PL ‘the two children are here already’ 111 [footnote 2, p. 135] In which -o is NOT the third person singular pronoun; compare §§ 192–193. 112 [footnote 3, p. 135] In this case mo is always used, because when this form stands on its own, it automatically gets emphasis, and probably also in connection with the use—described in § 181—which is made of ndi aku, etc. If yet something else follows after ndi aku, then mo can be omitted, e.g.: ndio aku a api m-po-wutu be.here 1 SG at slit LG - TRI -bind ‘here I am between the bindings’ As has also emerged above, mo usually shows up with the corresponding forms of tuu, rau, etc., which hangs together with the indicating function of these forms. 113 [Postscript, p. 135] Again, the same meaning can also be expressed by ndio komiu-mo; see § 179. 114 [footnote 4, p. 135] Concerning palili and ihi inia, see J. Kruyt 1924:65. Here, however, ihi inia cannot have its particular meaning, because the story from which this example is taken occurs BEFORE the appearance of the bonto. This should not take away from the fact that here with palili and ihi inia it appears that two segments of the population are intended see also the footnote, J. Kruyt 1924:43. Probably the word palili, which has been borrowed from Bugis, especially designates the subjects of the younger ruler, the mokole. me-ndio ira-mo nana’ote otolu ira PL -be.here 3 PL - PERF child three 3 PL ‘the three children are here already’ one could also say ndi iramo nana’ote orua ira, etc. 115 Here also lapses thus one of the points of difference between the two functions of ndio described above in § 179. Likewise: da me-ndio kami m-pong-kaa still PL -be.here 1 PLX PL - TRI -eat ‘we are still here eating’ da me-ndi kami m-pong-kaa still PL -be.here 1 PLX PL - TRI -eat ‘id.’ As will be taken up in the following section, In the cases in which the forms ndi aku, etc. can be considered as a set of personal pronouns, forms with o ndio aku, etc. can also be used, although much less frequently. 181. At the end of § 179 cases were mentioned in which the existence indicated by one of the demonstratives tuu, rau, lou and tahu in one of the pronominal spheres occurs almost totally in the background, because not the least amount of stress falls on it. In even stronger measure, however, is this the case when the forms ndi aku, ndiko, etc. less often: ndio aku, etc. are used, as appears from examples such as more examples are given below: ndio aku koa me-lempa-lempa 116 be.here 1 SG just PART : INTR - REDP -go ‘I was just wandering a little’ nde ka do-’amba me-lako hieno nahi do-m-pong-kaa, because and 3 PL -then PL -go near.past NEG 3 PL - PL - TRI -eat ndi ira koa m-pewangusako be.here 3 PL just PL -arise.quickly ‘because before they had just then started on their way, they had not eaten, just like that they had set out with empty stomachs’ In the first place it requires attention that here we have to do with a similar expansion of the sphere of the first person as already came up for discussion above compare the remarks in § 174 above concerning the occurrence of andio in stories, etc.. There is always a ‘here and now’, be it in psychological reality in stories or information concerning former events or in talk concerning things not present, be it in the external reality, when a second or third person who is referred to with a ndio form is located in the vicinity of the speaker 117 and, as it were, located inside his sphere. But at the same time it follows from this that the localizing expressed by ndio has so very lost its character that one can full rightly consider the forms ndi aku, ndiko, ndio, ndi kita, ndi kami, ndi komiu and ndi ira TO BE A NEW SERIES OF PERSONAL PRONOUNS , even though their occurrence remains bound within certain borders. If one now tries to find an answer to the question from where these pronouns developed, then it appears that they fill the need for independent but non-emphatic personal pronouns. The pronouns of Set V § 152 ff. imply, apart from some particular cases, a certain contrast with one or more other persons, while sometimes they also indicate a 115 [Postscript, p. 136] In a story, ndio ira-mo nana’ote orua ira be.here 3 PL - PERF child two 3 PL could also mean ‘there were two children’, likewise me-ndio ira-mo nana’ote otolu ira PL -be.here 3 PL - PERF child three 3 PL ‘there were three children’. In this case we can no longer ascribe a ‘wrapping up’ force to mo, which function is presumably a weakening of the well-known function of mo. 116 [Postscript, p. 136] For ‘I am just wandering a little’, one would have to say ndio akumo koa melempa-lempa. 117 [Postscript, p. 136] It is not even necessary that the concerned person be located in the vicinity of the speaker. person with some certain emphasis. Set VI pronouns also have a certain connotation. If one would now refer to a person without emphasis and without this connotation, while nevertheless not employing a dependent pronoun, then one can make use of ndi aku, etc. So for example in: [p. 137] I-potae i Onitu: tenangi-ko-mo, Bange, moturi-ko-mo. 3 SG -say PN Ghost defeated-2 SG - PERF Monkey PART :sleep-2 SG - PERF I-potae i Bange: naahi, Onitu, nahi komba ndi aku 118 3 SG -say PN Monkey NEG Ghost NEG by.any.means be.here 1 SG moturi, 119 ndi aku koa mewowolo-o uwoi ngkawaa-waa PART :sleep be.here 1 SG just PART :think-3 SG water flow.continually hawe a n-tahi, sine nahi hori buke arrive at LG -sea but NEG ever full ‘Ghost said: you have lost it, Monkey, you sleep. Said Monkey: no, Ghost, I sleep not; I am only thinking about the water always flowing to the sea, yet never in the least does the sea become full’ ndio-ko mo-mbio ke indi’ai hieno? be.here-2 SG PART : TRI -do.what INTERROG here near.past ‘what have you done here just now?’ nahi komba ndio 120 mepate-o, ndio koa bongo-o NEG by.any.means be.here PART :kill-3 SG be.here just hit-3 SG ‘he has not killed him he kills him not, he has only just hit him …hits him’ Herewith it can also be remarked that the forms ndi aku, etc. are often used when the subject is busy with something, e.g.: ndi-ko iko mahaki be.ere-2 SG 2 SG . FUT sick ‘you are bent on becoming sick’ ndi aku-mo mong-kaa ela andio be.here 1 SG - PERF PART : TRI -eat friend this ‘I have already begun eating’ 121 Nevertheless this sense is not found back in ba ndi aku moluwe if be.here 1 SG lazy ‘if I am lazy’. Very often the forms under consideration here are followed by koa. This particle, which especially emphasizes the word which follows it, and which can often be rendered as ‘only, merely’ see § 245, has in this way assumed a certain emphasis, and belongs then not with the ndi-form which precedes it which after all is non-emphatic, but with the expression that follows. So in these examples: 118 [Postscript, p. 137] Regarding nahi komba ndi aku, see § 268. 119 [footnote 1, p. 137] This could also run nahi komba ndio aku moturi…, or nahi komba ku-poturi… 120 [Postscript, p. 137] Regarding nahi komba ndi, see § 268. 121 [Postscript, p. 137] ‘I am finished eating’ would be mong-kaa aku-mo PART : TRI -eat 1 SG - PERF . ndi-ko koa mo-mbio ke hieno be.here-2 SG just PART : TRI -do.what INTERROG near.past ka u-mansa mobela? and 2 SG -at.once wounded ‘what have you done just now anyhow so that you are wounded?’ ba to-po-rako io pe’asa-n-tama-to, ndi kita koa if 1 PLN - TRI -catch CN be.one- LG -male-1 PLN . POS be.here 1 PLN just melo-melonta-ako-no REDP - PART :click.with.tongue- APPL -3 SG ‘when we one seizes a fellow-warrior of ours, then we one just clicks about that with our one’s tongues’ anu meha-no ndi ira koa hawe m-po’itu-’itu REL portion-3 SG . POS be.here 3 PL just arrive PL -walk.around ka do-’amba mbo’u m-pekule and 3 PL -then again PL -return ‘others came just doing some traveling around, and then they returned back again’ In combination with another personal pronoun: ondae ndio ira koa mem-potako-o isa’a 3 PL . INDEP be.here 3 PL just PL -attach-3 SG genuine ‘they have ‘truly’ attached it’ thus not with thumbtacks, for example, but with glue Especially ndio koa is heavily used. In most cases one can translate it simply as ‘merely, only’ or leave it untranslated, e.g.: ndio koa melulu i-lako a n-sala be.here just PART :flee 3 SG -go at LG -way ‘he just ran he did nothing other than run as he went on his way’ sine ndio koa megaupi i Wakuka andio, ndio koa nahi but be.here just PART :deceive PN Wakuka this be.here just NEG sapa pau-ako-no ine-no motae io bange koa anu dare speak- APPL -3 SG mother-3 SG . POS PART :say CN monkey just REL hawe k[um]aa-no kinaa anu i-binta-ako ira arrive PART :eat-3 SG cooked.rice REL 3 SG -leave- APPL 3 PL ‘but Wakuka lied, because she dared not say to her mother that it was a monkey which had come eaten up the rice which she had left behind for them’ nde nahi komba t[um]o’ori-o motae ndio koa because NEG by.any.means PART :know-3 SG PART :say be.here just melemba-bonti kombia-no PART :wear.jacket-wild.pig spouse-3 SG . POS ‘because she did not know that her husband was just wearing a wild-pig jacket thus was not really a wild pig’ nde i-potae ba ndio koa ntu’u i-kutui-o because 3 SG -say if be.here just truly 3 SG -delouse-3 SG ‘because she meant that he actually delouse her’ Next to ndio koa stands ndiomo ndioomo, etc. ‘already’, and ndiomo koa ‘still only’, e.g.: ndio-o-mo ta mahaki = ta-mo mahaki be.here-3 SG - PERF 3 SG . FUT sick 3 SG . FUT - PERF sick ‘he is on the verge of becoming sick’ ndio aku-mo aku mahaki be.here 1 SG - PERF 1 SG . FUT sick ‘I am on the verge of becoming sick’ also ndiomo aku mahaki in the same meaning compare ndio aku mahaki ‘I shall become sick’, for ndio aku aku mahaki here 1 SG 1 SG . FUT sick. What applies of koa, also applies of mo koa, when constructed with an ndi form. In such a case mo and koa both modify the expression which follows. So in sentences such as: [p. 138] ndi aku-mo mong-kaa ela andio be.here 1 SG - PERF PART : TRI -eat friend this ‘I have already started to eat’ ndi aku-mo koa mong-kaa, aku mansa mokoninggo be.here 1 SG - PERF just PART : TRI -eat 1 SG . FUT once hungry a n-sala on LG -way ‘I might as well eat a bit, otherwise sometime I might get hungry on the way’ nahi tehine l[um]ako-o-mo ntu’u i Salampelabu NEG long.time PART :go-3 SG - PERF truly PN Salampelabu melewe, sine na-m-i pekule; ndio-mo koa PART :fetch.leaves but NEG - PERF -3 SG return be.here- PERF just l[um]ako mo’ia-’ia i raha-do mia PART :go PART :stay at house-3 PL . POS person ‘not long after, Salampelabu actually went to fetch leaves, but he no more returned; he went and stayed in the house of someone else’ ndi aku-mo koa mo’itu-’itu be.here 1 SG - PERF just PART :walk.around ‘I am just going around a bit’ ndi aku-mo koa bongo-o, komba ndio 122 hina hala-no be.here 1 SG - PERF just hit-3 SG by.no.means be.here exist fault-3 SG . POS ‘I hit him just like that, he was not at fault’ In many cases it is very likely that the construction with ndi-forms is chosen because the sentence otherwise would not run well, or would exhibit an accumulation of suffixes and particles. 122 [footnote 2, p. 138] See § 182.

182. In sentences with nahi ndio or komba ndio, which have the meaning of Malay bukan,