S e Books 27 Esser Mead Phonology Mori

Mori ns is never pronounced palatalized, no more than in Malay for that matter, where ngs is encountered next to ns. Mori l is also a supra-dental, that is to say, formed with the tongue against the teeth roots Zahnfortsatz, Zahndamm. It creates no difficulty for pronunciation. Mori r in general is usually [r], that is to say, ‘rolled’. The place where the tip of the tongue is found in the formation of this sound is somewhat higher than with l, in other words, Mori r is pre-palatal, which for that matter is the usual pronunciation of [r]. It goes almost without saying that also in Mori individual differences appear in the pronunciation of this sound. 10 The glottal stop ’, formed by narrowing of the larynx, is the onset sound of every syllable, assuming the vowel is not bound to the preceding vowel by a glide or “Tal” see footnote 4. For economy, the mark for glottal stop ’ is not written at the beginning of a word. The glottal stop in Mori sounds the same as the consonant which is indicated by dieresis in the Dutch word geëerd which word would, following the Mori convention, be spelled ge’eerd. Compare tai ‘not’ and ta’i ‘dung’, molaa ‘spaced far apart, seldom’ and Upper Mori mola’a ‘put one’s foot on something’. The h is a rather forceful sound in Mori, both word initially and intervocalically. One must be on guard against a weak pronunciation of h in the middle of a word—which Europeans easily incline toward—and speak h as clearly in lahi ‘too’ as in hule ‘heart’. In mehahi ‘scratch oneself’ and mohohoi ‘make noise’, both h’s are pronounced in the same, very forceful way. The Mori w is a spirant, namely a bilabial [ β]. It is similar to Dutch v, but differs therefrom in that the upper teeth do not touch the lower lip. Theoretically the spelling v for this sound possibly deserves preference, but in fact the spelling w had been adopted, and there was insufficient motivation to warrant making changes therein, all the more as w is also employed in Pamona, and even though the Pamona sound is labiodental, practically speaking the difference is very slight.

17. S

TRESS . As a rule, a stem in Mori a fortiori a word consists of two or more syllables. With the exception of some interjections, which fall outside the sound rules, and [p. 15] of certain particles see footnote 13, one- syllable words are in Mori, just as in Pamona, always proclitics or enclitics. They thus cannot occur independently 11 nor carry their own stress. Only words of two or more syllables, then, qualify for stress placement. Two enclitics or a proclitic and an enclitic together, however, can form an accent group, e.g. tamo third singular future pronoun ta plus aspectual marker mo. Stress in Mori is placed on the penultimate syllable, 12 so that the language is missing an important tool for keeping oneself aware of the derivation of words formed with suffixes. For stress placement the same applies of enclitics, 13 so that one says for example ambáu ‘carabao’, but with the emphatic particle mo: ambaúmo ‘a cárabao’; 10 [footnote 1, p. 14] According to J. Kruyt pers.comm., there are those who ‘burr’ the r. 11 [from main text, p. 15] Except when the vowel is lengthened, e.g.: nahi to-po’uu-ako-no, ndi kita koa mo’oo-ako-no. NEG 1 PLN -say.‘u’- APPL -3 SG be.here 1 PLN just PART :say.‘o’- APPL -3 SG ‘one doesn’t say the word oluti ‘bead’ with u, but rather with o.’ 12 [footnote 1, p. 15] In borrowed words which originally consist of one syllable, or in which stress falls on the final syllable, the vowel of the sole or respectively final syllable is lengthened, to that stress comes to fall on the penultimate syllable, for example see from Malay sen, ultimately Dutch cent, belee from Malay b ĕlek ultimately Dutch blik ‘tin’, saa from Malay cap ‘stamp, seal’, sanaa from Bugis s ĕnnang, Malay sĕnang ‘happy, content’, balasitee from Dutch belasting ‘tax’ via Malay, sarasaa from Dutch sergeant, ansitee from Dutch assistent. In the last example, the nasal has been retained via fronting. These words are to be compared with the non-borrowed okuu ‘a tree, genus C ASUARINA ’, Malay ĕru. In mantarii ‘government official’ Malay mantri the long vowel is likewise to be explained from the stress pattern of the original word; in Mori this should come to be placed on the antepenultimate syllable, which is not possible. In mantarii, ri has the primary stress, ma secondary stress. 13 [footnote 2, p. 15] The interrogative particle ke and the particle ma constitute exceptions, in that as a rule they can be articulated with stress, even though kee and maa also occur. Tiu has ke’e. likewise mateómo ‘he is already dead’, hori akúmo hawe i Poso ever 1 SG : PERF arrive at Poso ‘I have already been to Poso’ hori akumo is one word; compare § 143; da’iaópo ‘still’, and a fortiori: raháno ‘his house’, opuáno ‘its stem’, inia mámi ‘our village’, etc. etc. If there are four syllables, in general the initial syllable receives secondary stress. However, in compounds and words which contain a prefix or suffix of more than one syllable, then the independent part of the stem retains secondary accent in the place where it fell originally, for example hóri akúmo, also domédudúngkuakóno do + me + dudungku + ako + no ‘they were embarrassed by it’, mompókokodéi mo + poko + kodei ‘make small’, etc. Primary stress naturally falls on the penultimate syllable in such words. If a word ends in a ‘long’ vowel, which—as has already been said above, must be considered to contain two syllables—then theoretically stress falls on the first a, e, i, o or u e.g. opáa ‘four’. Because as has already been remarked, however, only one long a etc. is heard, one could also say that this ā etc. receives the stress opā́́. But in cases such as madooomo madoo + o + mo ‘he is already better’ one clearly hears the stress falling on the last of the three o’s the suffix, thus mad ōómo that is a long ō followed by an o, and separated therefrom by a “Tal”. In kuwooo ku + woo + o ‘I smell it’, one hardly hears anything more than kuw ṓ theoretically kuwoṓ. In compounds the last word in determinative compounds thus the modifying element receives primary stress, while that of the other members of the compound falls to the level of secondary stress. In the first five examples of copulative compounding mentioned in § 121, both elements receive primary stress. Only certain words deviate from the given rule, and indeed principally those in which the vowel of the penultimate syllable is e, where this e has originated from earlier y. In buaea ‘crocodile’ and kaea ‘rich’, the accent actually falls on the first a, but the following e also receives some stress. [p. 16] One can thus say that here the original stress pattern has yet to be conformed to general stress rules after the change of y into e. In áiwa ‘move in a hither direction, come’ the deviant accent is perhaps to be explained in that the word is to be parsed into ai and wa where ai would then be the stem of Upper Mori synonym mai Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:32; Conant 1911:393, compare Malay mari, etc. and wa the element indicating motion in a particular direction, known from Pamona among other places, 14 or simply because ai has an inclination to become a diphthong thus aywa. The same tendency can be at work in indi’aino see § 185 and similar forms, in which stress likewise falls on the antepenultimate a. In common with other Indonesian languages, in general Mori distinguishes the stressed syllable by raising the pitch of the syllable. This, however, by no means excludes the possibility that at the same time a certain emphasis might be placed on the syllable 15 even if this never has the consequence that adjacent syllables undergo vocalic weakening, i.e. to schwa. With reference to word level stress, it is not always to be clearly established, because in general the Mori speak very rapidly, and use strong rhetorical accents, so that the words which do not attract such a discourse-accent receive only minor stress. 16 With the latter, however, it is very clear, and has even given rise to a phenomenon to which grammatical meaning must be attached. 18. If one would draw attention to a word, then one can do this, provided it is a substantive, through the use of the article io, or—with words of various classes—through an emphatic particle, especially mo. As emerges later in § 143, however, mo can be used with adjectives only when the adjective is also suffixed with or followed by, see § 150 a personal pronoun, but in such cases mo imparts no emphasis, but only has the meaning ‘already’, or more correctly, indicates a contrast with a preceding condition. 17 In fact there is no enclitic which can be used to emphasize an adjective which does not at the same time have some co-meaning. One must therefore place emphasis 14 [Postscript, p. 16] The syllable wa of aiwa is perhaps instead to be equated with pa, po see § 267, compare Impo maito, the same as Tinompo aiwa used imperatively, in which to has become a fixed element Impo maitoto = Tinompo aiwamo. 15 [footnote 2, p. 16] On the contrary view, see Jespersen 1920:226. 16 [footnote 3, p. 16] This naturally applies a fortiori to secondary stress. 17 [Postscript, p. 16] That what is said here does not entirely hold true emerges at the beginning of § 246. Perhaps in the cases cited there mo actually has no emphatic meaning but rather a strengthening meaning, which does not correspond to the function of lengthening described here. on such a word through rhetorical accent. Whenever the adjective [p. 17] is two syllables long, 18 this results in the vowel of the first syllable being LENGTHENED . One thus principally has sentences such as maate ‘he she, it dies’, uusa ‘it rains’, ruundu ‘it thunders’, toondu ‘it sinks’, etc. In such short sentences consisting of one word, the place of sentence accent is of its own accord fixed. Further in some cases a very heavy accent lies on adjectives, when they more or less form an independent part of a sentence, such as in:  gaagi, onae-mo ka i-tondu bangka therefore 3 SG . INDEP - PERF and 3 SG -sink boat ‘and thus…, then sank the boat, in that way the boat sank’ with a pause between gaagi and onaemo  nahi tehine, maate. NEG long.time die ‘after not very long he died.’ with a pause between tehine and maate  poore ka do-meng-kita-o closed.off and 3 PL - PL -see-3 SG ‘no way that they caught sight of him’ Other examples of lengthening of two-syllable adjectives—especially which as predicates and thus as the principle part of the sentence receive sentence accent—include the following:  saaba wuku-no i Lagiwa visible bone-3 SG . POS PN Deer ‘Deer’s bones were visible’  da buuke still full ‘it is still full’  ndio-mo 19 teende nae arau be.here- PERF become.bored.with 3 S . INDEP that.over.there ‘because he yonder has no more pleasure e.g. in his work’  poore ntu’u closed.off truly ‘entirely not, don’t even consider it’  biita wua-no false fruit-3 SG . POS ‘the fruits of it are, were false without contents’ 18 [footnote 1, p. 17] Verbs, in that they never consist of just two syllables, can thus be left out of what is stated here. 19 [footnote 2, p. 17] Regarding the meaning of ndio, see § 183.  mansa-do m-pelontoako buaea saaki i asa-towa at.once-3 PL . POS PL -float.oneself crocodile crossed.over at one-river.bank i-doa i Nggasi 3 SG -count PN Tarsier ‘when the crocodiles had floated to the surface from the one bank to the other side, Tarsier counted them’  piingko i-kaa-no lagiwa atuu finish.off 3 SG -eat-3 SG deer that ‘that deer has entirely eaten it up’ When the adjective is supported by an accompanying word, lengthening usually is left off, for example:  loou medolo be.down.there PART :bathe ‘he’s down there bathing’  koona koa reached just ‘he is affected’  ndio indi’ai ke inisa? be.here here INTERROG pestled.rice ‘Is the pestled rice here?’  ootu mata m-ponai broken.off blade LG -sword ‘the war is over’  mansa maate at.once die ‘immediately they died’ This does not happen with conjugated forms. Apart from that, the lengthened forms line up with the forms with the third person singular suffix -o sabao, mateo, etc., see §§ 143 and 145. Furthermore, napo ‘not yet’ and namo ‘no longer’ can also be lengthened to naapo and naamo whenever they are greatly emphasized, e.g.:  Na-po to-pengkena? — Naa-po ntu’u to-pengkena NEG - INCOMP 1 PLN -same NEG - INCOMP truly 1 PLN -same ‘Are we still not alike? Entirely still not’ In such cases naapo and naamo more or less act as interjections, even though a following conjugated form is dependent on it. This appears not to be possible with nahi in the sense of ‘not’, but only when it occurs as a single word answer meaning ‘no’, compare:  I-potae i Onitu: tenangi-ko-mo, Bange, moturi-ko-mo. 3 SG -say PN Ghost defeated-2 SG - PERF Monkey PART :sleep-2 SG - PERF I-potae i Bange: naahi, Onitu, nahi komba 3 SG -say PN Monkey no Ghost NEG by.any.means ndi aku moturi… be.here 1 SG PART :sleep ‘Said Ghost: You are defeated, Monkey, already you sleep. Said Monkey: No, Ghost, not by any means am I here asleep…’ In the meaning ‘no’ nahi is an interjection and entirely lines up with soomba, etc. described below. Other single- word answers with lengthening include naapo independent ‘not yet’, naamo ‘no longer’ and mboo’u ‘still more’. This lengthening of two-syllable adjectives has grammatical significance in this, that a it is the lengthened form which stands next to the form with a suffixed personal pronoun—whether or not further followed by another particle principally mo—and the conjugated form, and that b it occurs only with adjectives and not other word classes, 20 with certain exceptions, if one will, such as somba ‘tribute, homage’ as in:  ndio koa butu mesomba t[in]o’ori-no, i-potae: be.here just only PART :offer.tribute PASS :know-3 SG . POS 3 SG -say soomba soomba, soomba, soomba homage homage homage homage ‘when he knew of nothing else to do than to offer worship, he said: mercy, mercy, mercy, mercy’ Here, however, soomba is to be considered an interjection, and interjections can be either long or short. Other examples of the same nature are: uusa, usa, usa ‘Let there be rain’ exclamation, kuula, kula, kula ‘Let it be hot’. [p. 18] SOUND PHENOMENA OF VARIOUS TYPES. Prenasalization.

19. In Tinompo in its present stage, prenasalization in the standard language