Probably this word is a doublet of montia ‘divide’. In moduhu and dia-dia, d results from the weakening of t. Examples of the alternation of d and b are:
benggo Padoe ‘crooked’, Pamona modenggo binai ‘dried meat’, Pamona dai, Malay daing
dera Padoe ‘semen’, Watu ta’i bera, Malay berak ? If one also considers Bungku ta’i gera ‘semen’, then this last example also illustrates the alternation of d and g.
Another example is perhaps madara ‘fast’, Pamona ganggara.
65. Furthermore, d corresponds with j and nd with nj in related languages in cases such as:
da, a particle which can sometimes be rendered as ‘still, yet’, Pamona ja, Malay saja dale ‘wild corn’ a plant, the hard kernels of which are used as beads, Malay jĕlai doublet Mori osole
‘corn’ deekuli, name of a small bird, Pamona jeekuli
tededengke ‘start, be startled’, Pamona jinki medulu ‘help each other with gardening’, Pamona juyu see § 97
modundu ‘root up’, Pamona junju do’u ‘squirrel’, Pamona jo’u
doe ‘rim, edge’, Pamona joe mo’andu ‘massage’, Pamona onju
In many of the above mentioned cases, however, the j in Pamona is secondary. Thus next to Pamona jingki also stands dingki, in which probably jingki arose through the palatalizing influence of the i. Pamona juyu has a
secondary j, witness Pamona duru ‘property which one has from his ancestors’, and Ngaju Dayak dohop. A tree with a sour fruit, which is named jongi in Pamona, is for that matter named dongi in Tinompo, dengi in Padoe, and
sengi in Upper Mori, yet forms with d are encountered even in languages which have j, for example Mandar dongi. Bugis has denge’ and songing next to each other. Next to Pamona ja occurs da be it in another meaning. For that
matter it is not even certain that Malay j is original.
61
In a number of cases at any rate one can adopt the opposite. Thus Malay and Javanese jejer corresponds with Pamona dede of which likewise a doublet jiji occurs; compare
however Mori dede ‘row’, in connection with the conclusion drawn out below. The form dale is perhaps a very old doublet of osole.
62
Concerning dundu, see § 68. The derivations of deekuli, doe,
63
do’u and andu are not known to me. In many cases, however, Pamona j is
[p. 47] secondary, and it has not yet been demonstrated that in every case
Mori d takes the place of an old j. It appears, furthermore, that the conclusion must be drawn that where Pamona j corresponds with Mori d, the j is secondary.
61
[footnote 1, p. 46] According to Fokker 1895:37 “Malay j appears to be a later development from an original d,” though this should well not be easy to establish in all cases.
62
[footnote 2, p. 46 and footnote 1, p. 400] The form osole refers to maize, osole ngkukua to the plant C
OIX AGRESTIS
in De Clercq 1927 considered a variety of C
OIX LACRYMA JOBI
. In both cases the Javanese use jali. But even in Javanese j frequently alternates with d Fokker 1895:37
63
[footnote 3, p. 46] Undoubtedly there is some connection between this doe and the stems doe, loe, etc. mentioned in § 64.
66. In foreign words, usually d stands in the place of j and nd in the place of nj, so in modagai ‘take care of,
tend’, Bugis jaga jagai; dandi ‘stipulated term’, Malay janji; danggo ‘beard’, see § 53; gadi ‘wages’, Bugis gaji; dengko ‘long pants’, Pamona salana jenko.
nd.
67. The nd is the prenasalized form of d and formerly though no longer also of r see § 19. An original nd
can be spoken of in onomatopoetic and motion words
64
such as mompandondo ‘beat’, mondidi-ndidi ‘tremble’ from cold or rage and mongkarandindi Impo ‘shiver’ see below. Also in old words, such as mehonda ‘lean’,
Malay sandar; tanda ‘sign, mark’, Malay id., Bugis tanra; tandu ‘horn’, Malay tanduk; inde’e Molio’a ‘where?’, Javanese
ĕndi; tondoha ‘anvil’, Nias tandrösa, Javanese landĕsan. In the following nd originates from prenasalization: lundara ‘young female carabao’, stem rara, Malay dara,
etc.; pendua ‘twice’, stem rua; andi Upper Mori ‘younger brother or sister’, Javanese ari; the preposition ndi ‘with, at, toward’, etc., Molio’a ri; ondalo ‘deep’ and ondau ‘long, tall’, from the stems ralo see § 100 and rau
see § 172 ff.; etc.
65
One could allow that in Mori nd has sometimes also arisen from prenasalization of d. Symmetry with mb from prenasalization + b and ngg from prenasalization + g would entail this; it is likewise so in Pamona; and finally it
is possible to cite forms which makes this very likely, such as mondidi-ndidi ‘tremble, shiver’, mongkarandindi Impo ‘shiver’, Pamona kandende-ndende ‘quiver’, likewise Mori tundo ‘heel’, Pamona todu.
Just as in Pamona forms with l stand next to prenasalized forms with nj, which dialectally have become nd, so also alternation of nd and l is sometimes observed in Mori, in which cases then nd can be considered the
prenasalized form of l. Thus for example in ndoe ~ loe ~ doe see § 64, of which loe and ndoe belong together, while the stem doe means ‘hanging’.
66
Compare also Mori molundi ‘roll’ with Pamona duli and juli.
68.
The weakening of nt to nd appears apart form poetry to have occurred less often than voicing of mp and ngk. Examples are:
mondasu Upper Mori ‘sharp’, Tinompo montaso, Malay tajam lumondi Upper Mori ‘species of ant’, Tinompo limonti
ando Upper Mori ‘no longer’, from anto, compare Watu amo Watu mo = Upper Mori to -ndo Upper Mori, third person plural possessive pronominal suffix, Tinompo, Watu -to
pindu Watu ‘exterior area of the mouth, beak, etc.’, Malay pintu Another example, this time from Tinompo, could be monte ‘speedy’, which is pronounced monde when the
following word begins with a t e.g. monte or monde tekuda ‘quickly angry’. However, monde is also the Upper Mori form. An example
[p. 48] gives the following riddle in which, however, ndewewe is coarse for tewewe:
toro’ue ndewewe tii pakula ensa
rainbow coiled descend base
ladder ‘a rainbow lying in coils which descends to the ladder’ answer: a path
64
[footnote 1, p. 47] See however § 24.
65
[footnote 2, p. 47] For further examples see §§ 19–20.
66
[Postscript, p. 47] Likewise Pamona doe. In Adriani 1928:s.v., Pamona doe is incorrectly glossed as ‘swing, dangle’.
It is not entirely certain whether Mori rundu ‘thunder’—actually an onomatopoetic word for a booming, rumbling sound—corresponds with Javanese guntur or with Malay guruh.
The relationship of nd and nj was already mentioned above. And to a certain extent, nd can also be considered the voiced form of ns, compare Pamona nc and nj see also § 70. Thus one finds in coarse speech ndu’uluiku for
nsu’uluiku, from su’ului ‘testicle’ Van Eelen Ritsema 1918–1919:289, 295. Another example is probably to be found in the stem dundu ‘root up’ mentioned in § 64, provided Pamona junju and Malay junjung is a repetition of
the root sung, compare Mori, Pamona stem su’u, Sangirese su ĕng ‘carry on the head’, so that Pamona suncu
emerged, which with assimilation of the onset became junju. This derivation is especially made probable by Malay junjung. In any case, linking with suhun, etc. must be supposed.
Concerning the relationship of nd and n, see § 27.
s.
69. Examples of original s are: asa ‘one’, Malay
