Whether Mori ever did have enclitic forms of the plural pronouns is not certain. Indeed, something speaks in favor of assuming so, because the non-independent forms of the plural which correspond to the singular, enclitic
forms usually are independent in other languages. The forms kita ‘1
PLN
’, kami ‘1
PLX
’ komiu ‘2
PL
’ and ira ‘3
PL
’ should then have gradually come to appear in the place of the enclitic forms just as it was supposed above of aku,
and in connection therewith degraded from independent to non-independent. Formally, Watu kai Tinompo, etc. kami agrees with the first person plural exclusive enclitic pronoun found in Bada as kai and in Besoa and Napu as
ngkai Adriani Kruyt 1914:122. It remains questionable whether this says anything, though, because in Watu the m is also omitted in other first person plural exclusive forms, including the independent forms.
Next to ko and komiu also occur the forms iko and ikomiu, the latter compounded with the article for persons, but only as prefix, not as suffix. Concerning komiu, see Jonker 1915:329. The other forms are sufficiently well-
known from related languages. The third person plural form ira is compounded from the ubiquitous deictic or pronominal element i and the
plural element ra see § 100. Concerning the promotion of the particle ta to pronoun, see § 150; concerning olo, ino and ke, see § 237.
166. P
OSSESSIVE SUFFIXES AND CONJUGATING PREFIXES
S
ETS
II
AND
IV. The forms of Tables 3 and 4 are generally known in Indonesian languages. Upper Mori -nggu and -ndo originate from -ngku and -nto respectively
which form these possessive pronouns actually have in Bungku, among other places. The forms with and without nasal genitive marker alternate in many languages. Concerning mai and miu, see the preceding section. The forms
no from na and i are both widespread as third person singular elements. The second person plural prefix i- must have originated from mi-; in Tinompo it is homophonous with that of the third person singular. Concerning Tiu ndi-,
one can suppose this originated by analogy with the third person plural form ndo- compare Adriani 1931:340. Concerning Padoe au- and ai-, see § 167.
167. I
NDEPENDENT PRONOUNS
S
ET
V. The Tinompo forms of Table 5 are explained by the forms found in Moiki: ongkue, omue, etc. have originated from ongkude, omude, etc. in Tiu one finds the intermediate forms ona’e,
onta’e, onda’e. These are compounded from ongku, omu, etc. and an element de, apparently an article, which may possibly be identified with da in the first person plural exclusive and the second person plural, this element is
omitted, as otherwise these forms would be too long, and the accent would fall [p. 124]
where the other forms do not have it. Following this hypothesis, the forms ongkue, omue, etc. must have originally been homophonous with those
of Set VI, at present ngkuda, muda, etc. There is nothing in the meaning of da in itself which would argue against this view; the particular usage of the Set VI forms ngkuda, muda, etc. can be considered as secondary. The Watu
forms of Set VI—there can be little doubt that Watu angku, amu, etc. are the same as Tinompo ongkue, omue, etc., if one but strips off the final e from the latter—do not shed much light. Indeed it appears from this that the final e de
is actually not to be considered as an element belonging to the word, but as far as usage is concerned the forms without hae connect up with those of Set V even though the relationship between the two series of forms is still not
yet entirely clear to me, so that the specific meaning evidently resides in hae, and not in angku, amu, etc.
77
The latter forms originate from an element ang—or, alternatively, a followed by some nasal which either assimilates to a
following consonant or else falls away—plus the same short forms of the personal pronouns as serve as possessive suffixes apart from the change of a into o. The first-mentioned element occurs frequently as a formative in
pronouns, e.g. in the Makasarese demonstratives anne, antu and anjo Matthes 1858:62–63 and in some forms of the personal pronouns both here and in Rotinese, which entirely agree with those of Watu, namely Makasarese angku
‘I’ and annu ‘you’ Matthes 1859:815
78
and Rotinese ana, ala, ara, ata and ama Jonker 1915:332 ff..
79
Presumably we are dealing here with the same element which elsewhere does service as article, e.g. in Old Javanese
77
[Postscript, p. 124] More specifically, it can be reported that Watu inaku, etc. correspond with Tinompo ongkue, etc., Watu angku, etc. with Tinompo ngkue, etc.
78
[from footnote 3, p. 124] Probably these forms are not restricted to angku and annu, but are encountered in the third person and in the plural.
79
[from footnote 5, p. 124] The pronoun ama, second person singular and plural, is an analogical formation Jonker 1915:339.
ang, ng and in Bisayan ang, and for its occurrence in pronouns to be compared with Malay ngkau. That Rotinese has ata rather than anta is not surprising, as this article occurs both with and without a nasal coda.
Furthermore, the Watu-Karunsi’e forms inaku, etc. must be considered as compounded with an article ending in a nasal, namely in. A form in occurs in the Minahasan languages next to n and un; also Mongondow has it as an
article Brandstetter 1913:39. On the other hand, the Upper Mori forms are formed with i, the article for persons. In iiko ‘2
