Cases in which a numeral occurs as modifier are:

 onae-mo ki-m-pelempa-’olai-ako andio kami lako men-teo-o 3 SG . INDEP - PERF 1 PLX - PL -go-far- APPL this 1 PLX . FUT go PL -convey-3 SG ana mami ta lako mesikola i Poso child 1 PLX . POS 3 SG . FUT go PART :attend.school at Poso ‘that for which we have thus far gone, is that we are on our way to bring our son, who will go to school in Poso’, literally ‘therefore we have gone thus far…’  i-tonda-merangku-o 3 SG -follow-close-3 SG ‘he followed him closely’  popau-mosa’o ira speak.about-bad 3 PL ‘speak badly of them’ [p. 93]  i-pisi-meroku-o 29 3 SG -nip-powerful-3 SG ‘he nipped it hard’  g[in]ili manggali maate, g[in]ili ng-koana tuuwu PASS :rotate left die PASS :rotate LG -right live ‘turned to the left it dies, turned to the right it lives’ the answer to this riddle is lantera ‘a lamp’  me’iwali pa’i PART :be.enemy bitter ‘live in bitter enmity’  monako pa’i 30 PART :steal bitter ‘be terribly thievish’

139. Cases in which a numeral occurs as modifier are:

 l[in]ae-m-pohona PASS :stripe- LG -once ‘striped once, supplied with one set of parallel lines’ for example a mat  ku-lae-m-pohona-o 1 SG -stripe- LG -once-3 SG ‘I striped it once’ Confer also the forms such as mesampa olima ‘with five branches’ mentioned in footnote 1, page 88. See also § 137. 140. Sometimes the modifier does not come after, but rather before the verbal part of the form, as for example in:  ku-sala-ronge-o 1 SG -mistaken-hear-3 SG ‘I heard wrong’ 29 [from main text, p. 93] Synonymous with meroku i-pisi-o, with a ‘transposed’ substantive construction § 211 ff.. 30 [from main text, p. 93] Also monako api.  ku-sala-n-timbanga-o 1 SG -mistaken- LG -balance-3 SG ‘I calculated it wrong’ Sometimes however this merely appears to be the case, such as in:  ku-mpena peha-o luwu su’ului-no buaea, 1 SG -take.opportunity break-3 SG all egg-3 SG . POS crocodile asa ng-karadali arau one LG -recess that.over.there ‘let me just once break all the crocodile eggs, an entire tree recess full’ where peha-o is a participle form, actually a virtual -um-form compare the treatment of -um- in §§ 222 and 365, so that this example belongs with the cases mentioned in § 219. Perhaps one should consider that this latter construction has originated from the former, so that for example:  ka ku-’amba r[um]onge-o and 1 SG -then PART :hear-3 SG ‘and then just then I heard it’ should have precipitated from a compound ku-’amba-ronge-o, compare ku-sala-ronge-o. 141. Such as has already emerged from certain examples above §§ 133 and 138, in the compounding of an adjective or verb with another adjective, the latter can have the function of an adverbial modifier. Definitely not always does an adverb stand in compound relationship with the verb to which it belongs. In moturi ntekowali ‘sleep well’ for example, one does not have a compound, as people say moturi aku ntekowali ‘I slept well’, etc. Thus next to the first example given in § 138 also stands a sentence such as:  onae-mo tokoa ku-pelempe-ako olai andio 3 SG . INDEP - PERF in.reality 1 SG -go- APPL far this ‘that’s why I have gone this far’ In metea ntekosi ‘fight stalwartly’ one has a border case as one can say metea ntekosi ira ‘they fought well’, but also metea ira ntekosi ‘id.’. 31 Probably also here the method without compounding is the younger, witness the prenasalization in ntekowali, ntekosi, etc. which without doubt is to be explained from the original compounding. This prenasalization—which occurs only with certain initial consonants—is to a certain extent a hallmark of the adverbs, even though it sometimes fails to show up monako pa’i, etc., and moreover in certain cases it is also encountered with adjectives which constitute part of a compound. [p. 94] [Translator’s note: In his list of corrections to Volume 1, Esser felt the following examples—though valid expressions—should be omitted as they did not illustrate well his point at hand. Despite no longer being integrated into the text, nonetheless these examples are retained here as valid instances of the language.]  melemba bonti ‘wear a wild pig skin as clothing’ [originally p. 85]  mesala bangka ‘travel on water, make use of a boat in order to go away somewhere’, from the compound sala bangka ‘waterway’ [originally p. 90]  mesala wita ‘travel by land’, from the compound sala wita [originally p. 90] 31 [Postscript, p. 93] According to this criterion moturi nsilolonga, moturi moiko, moturi ntakau ‘sleep well’, mesambe’e moiko ‘be close friends’ etc. are also borderline cases.  pinulu ngkume ‘sealed up with pulu ngkume a vegetable adhesive, namely a very tough, viscous resin’; the resin sometimes called just kume, but kume by itself more properly refers to the tree which produces this adhesive [originally p. 90]  i-wala-molaa-o 32 3 SG -enclosure-spaced.far.apart-3 SG ‘he supplied it field with a wala molaa a fence, the posts of which stand far apart from each other’ [originally bottom of p. 92]  i-totowo-o kombia-no kalamboro s[um]alangka-labu-o 3 SG -approach-3 SG spouse-3 SG people.eater PART :hand.trap-iron-3 SG ‘the wife of the people eater went toward him, and caught him under an iron hand trap’ [originally bottom of p. 92] 32 [footnote 6, p. 92] In this and the following example, one has to do with verbs which are derived from compound expressions wala molaa, salangka labu. 101 [p. 95] CHAPTER FOUR. THE PRONOUNS. ——————— PERSONAL PRONOUNS. 142. The possessive pronouns are nothing other than particular, suffixed forms of the personal pronouns. The same applies of the short pronominal elements which occur in conjugated forms, except that instead of being suffixed they are prefixed. These pronouns must therefore be handled together. In Tinompo six sets of personal pronouns need to be distinguished, 1 shown here in Table 1. A comprehensive treatment of each set follows. 2 T ABLE 1. P RONOUN SETS IN T INOMPO Suffixed Prefixed a Independent I as subject or object II possessive III in future forms IV in conjugated forms V VI 1 SG aku b -ku aku ku- ku- ongkue ungkue ngkuda’a 2 SG -ko c -mu ko-, iko u- omue umue muda’a 3 SG -o d -no ta, ita e i- onae nada’a 1 PLN f kita -to kita to- otae ntada’a 1 PLX g kami mami kami ki- omami mamida’a 2 PL komiu miu ikomiu i- omiu mida’a 3 PL ira -do ira do- ondae ndada’a a the pronouns of Set III, while dependent, are not all prefixing. b concerning the form -akune, see § 165. c -ko is not used following the suffix I-ako but rather -mu, the second singular form of Set II, e.g. i-’ala-ako-mu 3 SG -get- APPL -2 SG ‘he took it for you’. This is the case in Tinompo, Watu, Karunsi’e and Padoe. The Upper Mori dialects, however, use -akoko, just as do Moiki and Tiu. d see § 143, subsection b. e see § 150. f with inclusion of the person addressed, see § 157. g with exclusion of the person addressed, see § 157. 1 [footnote 1, p. 95] Concerning a seventh set, see § 150. 2 [footnote 2, p. 95] An inventory of the forms of the pronouns in the other Mori dialects is given in § 164. Refer there also for their derivation § 165 ff.. As one can see, the pronouns of Sets I and III are almost entirely the same. The old personal pronouns iao and ho’io come up for discussion in § 162. [p. 96] While the plural forms of verbs and adjectives can only be used of THREE OR MORE persons or things, the plural of the personal pronouns in Mori as in other Indonesian languages can also be used when TWO persons are spoken of. Naturally all this applies in accordance with the rules regarding the assignment of number in Mori see § 254 ff. Set I. 143. The dependent, suffixed pronouns of Set I have a considerable function in Mori; in certain cases they denote the subject, in other cases the object. When this subject or object is further realized elsewhere in the clause, then this pronoun is QUASI - PLEONASTIC . One cannot speak here of a true PLEONASM , in that another, less elaborated construction is not possible. 3 Indeed this is a little wordy, but in the present-day language an obligatory way of expressing oneself has arisen from what was originally a pleonasm. The following are the cases in which the pronouns aku, -ko, etc. occur: 4 a With transitive verbs with definite object, in order to indicate the object; the object can, then, as circumstances may require, receive further expression elsewhere e.g. as a substantive, but the pronominal indication is always obligatory. Concerning certain apparent exceptions, see below. b With intransitives and transitives with indefinite object in the participial form or adjectives not conjugated, in order to indicate the subject, whether or not named elsewhere in the clause compare further subsection a above. In this case however the third person singular form -o is used with a large number of words usually only in combination with one of the particles mo or po see § 246, thus in these cases with -omo or -opo added see § 145. When in the third person no pronoun -o is used, equivalent lengthening can occur; see § 18, in this connection compare also §§ 173 and 210. 5 c With numerals under the circumstances set forth below. 6 [p. 97] The pronoun o is attached without glottal, aku and ira with glottal. The following forms may serve as a paradigm from the stem kita ‘see’: 3 [from footnote 2, p. 96] Pleonastic or quasi-pleonastic expression of subjects and objects through a pronoun occurs in many languages of the eastern part of the Archipelago, for example Bugis, Makasarese, Sumbanese, Bimanese; see the entry for Bugis in Paulus 1917-1921; § 184 in Matthes 1875; § 139 in Matthes 1858; footnote, p. 56 in “Kan men bij de talen van den Indischen Archipel eene westelijke en eene oostelijke afdeeling onderscheiden?” Jonker 1914:369; Onvlee 1925:lix, lxi- lxii; and Jonker 1896:71, 138. 4 [footnote 1, p. 96] By the nature of things no particle can be inserted between the suffixed pronoun and the form to which it is attached: primarily the attached suffix makes the form complete. The custom followed for practical reasons of writing a form which contains a suffix of two or more syllables e.g. aku as two words, could lead one to the wrong conclusions. 5 [Postscript, p. 96] For the sake of completeness, note that when the subject of the clause is anu thus in relative clauses, as a rule no personal pronoun is used, from which it clearly appears that anu is actually nothing more than an article, and the predicate of the relative clause an attribute of the word on which it is dependent see § 207. When anu means ‘they who…’ then ira can be used, for example: anu me-moluwe ira REL PL -lazy 3 PL ‘they who are lazy’ but this is not necessary; see § 207 ff. 6 [from footnote 2, p. 96] The occurrence of pronouns with numerals has parallels in Rotinese and Letinese among others Jonker 1915:297 ff., 303. i-kita aku ‘he sees me’ i-kita-ko ‘he sees you’ i-kita-o ‘he sees him, her, it’ i-kita kita ‘he sees us inclusive’ i-kita kami ‘he sees us exclusive’ i-kita komiu ‘he sees you all, he sees you polite’ i-kita ira ‘he sees them, he sees him, her polite’ In certain cases an n occurs preceding o. This n is the original final consonant of the word in question, which— though at present otherwise lost—has remained preserved preceding the suffix o. This is the case with the suffix -ako Javanese –ak n, for example ku-tiso-ako-no ‘I showed him it’ and with mongkaa ‘eat’, stem kaan, thus u-kaa-no ‘you eat it’, etc. 7 These cases shall be treated as exceptional in the present work. 8 It must be further noted that in the Impo dialect when o and iro indicate the subject, in general they appear to be attached without any intervening glottal, and as object with glottal; but in Molio’a as a rule in both cases with glottal. Next to glottal stop, ng is also sometimes encountered, for example Impo ku-polele-ngo 1 SG -spread-3 SG ‘I brought it news over’ stem lele, Bugis, Makasarese id. in the same contexts also ngiro and ngaku, pronominal suffixes of respectively the third person plural and first person singular..

144. W