. C e Books 27 Esser Mead Phonology Mori

 lewe molori ‘slippery leaf’, the name of a plant It is not always certain whether the second element of a compound should be considered an adjective or a substantive, for example when it is the name of a material or of a people. Thus sinsi nsalaka can be ‘silvery ring’ as well as ‘ring of silver’; taku mala both ‘copper lime box’ or ‘lime box made of copper’; and kuro wita both ‘earthen cook pot’ as well as ‘cook pot of earth’. [p. 85] Likewise pido nsina ‘Chinese bottle’ or ‘bottle of the Chinese’ by this is indicated a small sort of bottle, lopo walanda ‘imported lopo a tuberous plant’, or ‘lopo of the Dutchmen, cum suis’.

125. . C

OMPOUNDS OF A SUBSTANTIVE WITH ANOTHER SUBSTANTIVE . If a substantive is further modified by another substantive, then one is dealing with one of the relationships which is usually included under the heading of ‘genitive relationship’, or else the second element is a refinement of the first. If the genitive relationship between the compounding elements is of the nature that one can speak of a genitivus possessivus, 7 then in Mori prenasalization of the modifying thus second element is usual provided it is eligible for such. Examples are:  lewe ngkeu ‘tree leaf’  wiwi ntahi ‘seashore’ compare wiwi-no tahi andio ‘the shore of this sea’  taku ulu ‘skull’; from taku ‘calabash’, ulu ‘head’  haro kompo ‘intestines’ cf. § 28  kompo witi ‘calf of the leg’  wulu manu ‘chicken feather’  modolo-ngkeu ‘suffering from dolo ngkeu literally ‘redness of the stem’, a rice disease’ see further J. Kruyt 1924:158–159  i Puru na-m-i pe-laro-ng-keu PN Quail NEG - PERF -3 SG INTR -inside- LG -tree ‘Quail no longer lived in the trees, in the forest’  na-m-i pe-’aroa-mia, sine me-’aroa-m-pinotuwu-o-mo 8 NEG - PERF -3 SG INTR -inside-person but PART : INTR -inside- LG -animal-3 SG - PERF ‘he no longer had a human nature, but that of an animal’ And further cases such as:  a n-toto raha at LG -under house ‘under the house’ 7 [footnote 1, p. 85] This applies however only to COMPOUNDING . The usual way for the genitive relationship to be expressed is by attaching a third person possessive pronoun; see § 147. The true possessive relationship itself cannot entirely be expressed by compounding. In the compounds mentioned here the relationship can be labeled ‘possessive’ only in a grammatical sense, as one cannot say that a person or animal ‘owns’ its body parts, a plant its leaves, or an object its subparts. What is here intended is the relationship in general between something and that with which it belongs. 8 [from main text, p. 85] Concerning -o-mo, which thus belongs here with the entire expression me’aroa-mpinotuwu, see § 143.  a n-toto kompo-no at LG -under belly-3 SG . POS ‘under his belly’  i laro m-paka at inside LG -k.o.plant ‘between the paka plants’  i laro raha at inside house ‘in the house, at home’  a m-puu m-pewowa at LG -vicinity LG -door ‘by the door’  a m-puu ensa at LG -vicinity ladder ‘by the ladder’  a n-tonga m-pada at LG -middle LG -grassy.plain ‘in the grassy plain’  inso i wawo langi from at above dome.of.the.sky ‘from the heavens’  i bungku inia at back village ‘outside the village’ [p. 86] Here the character of the compounding does not translate well into Dutch, because the first element together with the preceding particle gets translated as a preposition, whereas in Mori it is a case of the prepositions a or i being placed before the compounds toto raha ‘the space under the house’, laro raha ‘the interior of the house’, puu mpewowa ‘the vicinity of the door’, etc. 9 9 [footnote 1, p. 86] Next to the expressions given here stand other expressions which are not compounds, such as: a n-toto-no watu at LG -under-3 SG . POS stone ‘under the stone’ a laro-no bangka at inside-3 SG . POS boat ‘in the boat’ i tonga-no laromeene at middle-3 SG . POS atmosphere ‘in the air’ i wawo-no pabawa-no at above-3 SG . POS power-3 SG . POS ‘standing above him in power’ lit. ‘above his power’ a bungku-no raha at back-3 SG . POS house ‘behind the house’ In not every case, however, does prenasalization occur with a ‘possessive’ genitive relationship. So they have for example:  sampa korono ‘small tributary’; compare sampa ‘branch’, korono ‘river’  konso konau ‘the youngest leaf of the aren palm provided it has not unrolled’  tangke piso ‘handle of a knife’  taku puri ‘buttocks’ 10  kotuo keu ‘a kind of wild betel pepper which grows in the forest laro ngkeu’  i puri tahi ‘at the bottom of the sea’  toto si’e ‘space under a rice barn’ In the first three cases given above one might consider the effect of the sound rule of § 28, but with taku puri, kotuo keu, puri tahi and toto si’e this is not possible. Furthermore prenasalization is more often left out in Upper Mori than it is in Tinompo, and they say for example lewe kau ‘tree leaf’ and wiwi ngkorono ‘river bank’ for respectively Tinompo lewe ngkeu and wiwi ngkorono. 126. Also when one has to do with a compounded genitive relationship which does not fall under one or the other of the groups treated above, prenasalization sometimes continues to be withheld. Examples are:  pakuli tehu ‘medicine against mice’  pakuli mahaki ulu ‘medicine against head pain’  pakuli me’ana ‘medicine for having children’  pakuli melere ‘medicine charms for farming’ 11  balo baru ‘bamboo container for palm wine’  wala boe ‘enclosure for pigs’, that is ‘a pig pen’  raha ngara ‘horse stall’ Often one can use a form with -no just as well as a compound. Forms with -no appear to be usual with hori and aro see further § 276: ia hori-no wuwu-no at side-3 SG . POS trap-3 SG . POS ‘next to his trap’ i aro-no raha at front-3 SG . POS house ‘in front of the house’ 10 [footnote 2, p. 86] The word taku means ‘calabash, gourd’, but in compounds is used of what resembles such; puri on the other hand indicates in general that upon which one or something ‘sits’ according to the native representation, thus besides a person’s seat also the bottom of a tin, kettle, cook pot, boat, etc. 11 [footnote 3, p. 86] Just as in other Indonesian languages the predicative noun in Mori does not correspond to the Dutch infinitive. Rather they use the participle form where we use the infinitive, namely when one speaks about an action in general; compare § 220. actually one can just as well bring these examples under the preceding category, also: [p. 87]  pa’a ntobu ‘forest slope’ the name of a former village  lere benu ‘coconut garden’  manu awu ‘gray chicken’; compare awu ‘ash’, me’awu, awu’awu ‘gray’  wawo nsau ‘mountain which has the shape of a sunhat sau’ 12  tulambatu ‘species of hard bamboo’ in Pamona called woyo watu  keu rea ‘blood tree’, a tree species with red sap  pae ngkambuka ‘kambuka rice’, that is to say, a variety or rice which resembles black sugar palm fiber kambuka  sala mpu’u ‘main road’  ata mpu’u ‘head slave’ J. Kruyt 1924:70–71  wurake mpu’u ‘head priestess’ J. Kruyt 1924:122 ff.  kinaa mpae pulu ‘cooked sticky rice’  karua itolu ‘the karua of the third day’ J. Kruyt 1924:58 Also belonging herewith are forms such as karu ntowue ‘towue-foot’ an alternative name for ‘deer’; towue is a section of bamboo with which one blows on the fire; the second element of the compound thus indicates that with which the first is compared. Further also probably forms such as pole bangka ‘coffin’ in which the first element is the stem of a verb of separating or parting see Chapter 11; mompole means ‘chop through, chop off transversely’ so that pole bangka probably means ‘a chopping off, a chopped off piece of wood in the form of a boat bangka’.