and the like see § 31. Likewise the Series VI forms of Table 12 ndiramai, etc. appear to the shortened from ndioramai, etc., as Tiu speakers still say ndiaramai, etc. see the tables.
160
Next to kua stand kini, kitu, kira and kita, formed from an element ki and the roots already mentioned above, ni, tu, ra, and tah. The form kini also occurs in Malay.
In the expressions for ‘not here’, ‘not there’, etc., the dialects usually use the forms of Table 11. In Watu- Karunsi’e, however, they are shorter than the latter, so that it was desirable to incorporate them into the table, even
though formally they do not belong at home in Table 10.
196. Where i occurs at the beginning of a form in Table 11, this is the preposition. The Tinompo expressions are
formed with -ai, probably a combination of the deictic formative elements -a see § 193 and i. In many Upper Mori forms these can occur in reverse order with change of i to e. However, because Impo siiha stands next to
Molongkuni siihe, and sehea, etc. are evidently formed from sehe sihe + a, one could also adopt that in the last- mentioned forms the element -a is twice present the long vowel in siihe, raahe, etc. is to be explained from
lengthening, compare Molongkuni sihe’o, rahe’o, etc.. From a comparison of siiha with siia and sii’a, it emerges that the h—which in many Upper Mori forms stands between the root and the ending—has been added secondarily,
compare § 77 but not in tahea and tehea.
The roots of the Upper Mori and Watu-Karunsi’e forms are already known from the previous tables. Concerning Karunsi’e ikiino next to Watu ikinino, see § 31. Padoe sirio can reflect siria, and be formed with -ria, which also
occurs in Pamona lairia ‘there, that place’. Naturally, Molongkuni, etc. eende is identical with indi in indi’ai. Moiki and Tiu have two series of forms, of which the second, at any rate in Tiu, refers to a roomier place than
the first indiangko ‘in this place’, while indiia designates, for example ‘in this village’. The latter formally connect up to the forms ndiio, raau, etc. mentioned in § 178. The first is formed with an element -ngko probably from -ngka,
compare Moiki indiingka, which occurs as a prefix in Table 13 the prenasalization in these forms can thus be original, and which is known from of old as a direction-indicating element, e.g. Mori koana, Malay kanan ‘right’,
Pamona kaii, Malay kiri ‘left’, the Malay preposition ka, etc.
197. The Series VI forms of Table 12 regularly occur with and without the preposition i.
Concerning ramai and tamahi, see §§ 92 and 95. The remaining Series IV Tinompo forms of Table 12 are formed with a suffix -ane, for which Tiu has -ange. The occurrence of these two forms next to each other makes it
unlikely that here we should have to think about, on the one hand, Malay ana in disana Van Ophuysen 1915:121, or, on the other hand, about the Tontemboan direction-indicating particle ange ‘toward, above, upwards’
[p. 155] Schwarz 1908:s.v.. The syllable ne could very well be identical with na in naramai, etc. see Table 13. In any case,
one would have to think about some direction-indicating element.
161
Plural forms can be made of the Series VI Watu forms of Table 12, which is understandable from the singular character of -no. So next to ikinino ramai occurs kiniro ramai ‘in more than one place in this area’. Regarding
similar forms in Tinompo, see § 189. Of the Series IV Watu-Karunsi’e forms of Table 12, the stem pone is known in Central Celebes in the meaning
‘climb up’, compare Pamona mepone ‘climb up into a house’, Upper Mori momone ‘climb in trees and the like’, etc.; pone itself is formed from po + ne Malay naik. The form pode can be a variant thereof, compare pano and
pado and Pamona tampode ‘shock of hair’, mempode ‘ascend, rise’, kampode-pode ‘sit high, grow tall’, etc. The dialects which have pone also use pano, and likewise the use of pode and pado go together. Watu and Karunsi’e,
however, replace pano and pado with mune.
160
[Postscript, p. 154] The forms indiramai, etc. could rather be understood as shortenings of the synonymous expressions indi’ai ramai, etc., the Tiu forms indiaramai etc. could reflect indiia ramai, etc. Compare the corresponding Watu forms and
the Upper Mori forms with si-, nde-, to-, etc. see also below.
161
[Postscript, p. 154] The objection made against equating -ane, -ange with Minahasan ange need not be highly regarded, because -ane could have originated from -ange, just as in Tondano n also occurs in a reduced form of ange.
The form pidau or pida’u probably hangs together with lou, Pamona lau, compare Pamona mena’u ‘descend from house’. The forms pano and pado of which the former could have originated by analogy with pone, can
hang together with rau, Pamona njau which further must be a variant of lou, Pamona lau, as o could very well have originated from au see § 45.
Concerning Tambee rapano, rabehi, rapone, it is not certain whether they are formed with formative element ra- thus likewise ramai, or whether alternatively ra stands for raa or ra’a, in which case these forms should be
compared with those mentioned in § 189. The Tambee element could well have originated from rahe or rahea. Furthermore, if the elements nde, si, ro, etc. are explained as originating from endea etc., siia etc., roo etc., etc.,
and to from nuoto, rooto, etc.,
162
then the usage of the forms compounded therewith can easily be explained toramai corresponds, for example, with Tinompo ndiomo ramai, etc..
Nevertheless, to, si, etc. have become entirely fixed elements of topano, siipone, etc., so that one can further make topano’oto, etc. from it in which to is present twice, and it appears that Impo sipone’o can just as well be said
of someone who is still visible as of someone who has become lost from sight siipone stands for siiha pone and thus corresponds with Tinompo itu’ai tahane, the same as nditahane, which is said of what lies outside one’s field of
vision.
The distinction which Tambee makes between persons and things which are to be seen and those which aren’t, occurs in Upper Mori in analogous ways, compare Lembobabi-Matangko rapodeoto ropodeoto, Molio’a
ndeeponeoto ‘he has set off in an upward direction and is now lost from sight’, versus topodeoto Molio’a tooponeoto ‘he has set off in an upward direction but is still visible, there he goes up’, etc.
198. A few things about Table 13 have already been mentioned in the preceding paragraphs. Padoe ehembine’i
is notable; this form is not derived from omihi, but from mine’i, which in Padoe means ‘descend a little’ the word is used, for example, for coming down out of a house. The form ehembine’i points to a stem pine’i, which appears to
be formed from the prefix pi- and a root ne’i. The derivation is uncertain.
The forms omihi and behi point to a common root bihi, perhaps identical with Pamona bisi ‘shove, push to the side’, compare Pamona tekalabese ‘fallen down’.
[p. 156]
199. S
