In a number of cases there occurs a prefix tuma- or suma-, which has a plural meaning,

talemba ‘jacket’ tapiso ‘knife’ ta’owu ‘machete’ takuro ‘cook pot’ takadu ‘sack for holding betel-nut necessities’ tasipi ‘tongs’ ta’eko ‘plaited rattan pedestal for setting cook pots on’ tabingga ‘kind of small basket’ tasau ‘sunhat’ elsewhere hawu, lemba, etc., next to names of everyday objects without ta-, for example holue ‘a small scoop for cooked rice’, supe ‘needle’, ahui ‘water bamboo’, wuwu ‘trap’, sa’u ‘kind of basket’, etc. Perhaps the reason for the non-occurrence of ta- in the second category of words is to be sought in the fact that these are less qualified for the use of ta- in its original sense, from which this use in Molongkuni has probably developed. 56 Compare also Pamona ronto ‘a worn-out, threadbare article of clothing, a tattered rag of a thing’, originally meaning ‘refuse, waste’, 57 which in the Ampana dialect of Pamona is the usual word for ‘sarong’. For that matter the meaning ‘old, worn-out token of what is denoted by the stem’ is also characteristic of Molongkuni ta- in order to distinguish them one says for example, talemba tokoa su’u ‘a real jacket’. Impo and Molongkuni taboloki ‘unmarried old woman’ and tabangkele ‘old woman’, actually pejorative terms, but also used in the sense of boloki and bangkele which are also encountered in Tinompo, are examples of transition cases. tuma -, suma-.

361. In a number of cases there occurs a prefix tuma- or suma-, which has a plural meaning,

58 and indicates that a number of subjects or also one subject through repetition perform the action, or that a number of subjects are in the state, which is expressed by the stem. Examples: tumanggelo or sumanggelo ‘in large numbers make back and forth swinging motions with the head or tail monggelo-nggelo’ such as snakes or fish as they swim, ‘swarm together of such animals, not for example of ants, ‘intertwine with each other’ of vines tumalonto ‘float, float on the surface in large numbers, extend numerously on the surface of’ such as veins on the skin tumampede, said of a number of people striking with the flat of the hand tumatumpe, said of coconuts which fall in numbers; compare polonsuu, polotumpe in § 356 tumarakidi, said of a number of monkeys which shriek montarakidi, or of one monkey which does so repeatedly 56 [footnote 1, p. 347] Compare, however, Adriani and Kruyt 1914:254, 263 concerning the use in Muna and Wolio of ka- in the names of tools, etc. 57 [footnote 2, p. 347] Provided the derivation given by Adriani 1928:659 is correct. 58 [footnote 3, p. 347] Compare Tontemboan ta- Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:126 ff. tumarangenge, said of someone who defends himself formidably in a quarrel of words, namely so that the sound can be rendered as ngenge mostly said of women; compare mengenge ‘quarrel, fight each other with words in this way’ The last two examples have the prefix tara-; see § 358. [p. 348] There are, however, cases in which tuma- has no plural meaning, for example tumampu’u, the same as tampu’u ‘from … onwards’, e.g. tumampu’u ikode-kodei ‘ever since he was small’. Forms such as the above with plural meaning also occur in Pamona, for example sumampede, e.g. said of many mice which jump down; sumampele, the same as singkampele ‘crackle’ of burning bamboo; sumaroyu, the sound of many shields compare royu ngkanta ‘the sound of one shield striking against something’; sumancende, the same as singkancende ‘all at once spring on something’. The alternation with tuma- in Mori argues against deriving suma- from the oneness-denoting prefix sa-; see the entry for Pamona sende Adriani 1928:704. o - u-. 362. In a number of adjectives, which have in common that they do not indicate a quality but rather a quantity, a prefix o- occurs. Some cases hereof are: ondau ‘tall, long’, stem the demonstrative element rau ‘over there’; see §§ 172 and 193 owowa ‘short, low’, stem wowa, Malay bawah, Tontemboan wawa’ owundu Padoe ‘id.’, compare Pamona wundu ‘blunt, cut off’, Tinompo pundu-pundu ‘short and without any slender extremity’ for example of a tail or stick, ule bundu, the name of a short snake ondalo ‘deep’, stem ralo; see § 100 olai ‘far’, stem lai; see § 295 ompeda ‘nearby’, perhaps originally meaning ‘warm, stuffy, close’, compare peda § 100 orambi Upper Mori ‘id.’, stem rambi ‘bind, fasten something on something else’ Sometimes u- is heard in place of o- ulai, umpeda and others, but this is nothing other than phonetic variation. At one time I had hypothesized that adio or hadio ‘many’ also contained this same prefix but in the older form a- or ha-, but this is incorrect, such as emerges from the form dadio found in the Tolaki area. The forms adio and hadio the h is secondary have thus originated in the same way as the full forms of the cardinal numbers, where however the a of the first syllable has become o compare § 283. The similarity in form which these numerals share with the above-named adjectives can be related to the similarity in meaning which exists between the two sets of words both the numerals and the above adjectives denote a quantity. However the origin of o- in ondao etc. cannot—as appears from the prenasalization of the stem—be the same as that of the first syllable of orua, etc. Seeing as how in the Sampalowo dialect of Mori they say otede, odidi or nggodidi for ‘small’ Sangirese kadidi’; in Bungku they say owose for ‘big’ Pamona bose, Malay b sar, compare Sa’dan Toraja kapua, kasalle ‘great’; in Napu they say karao and in the Pu’umboto dialect of Pamona they say kawao for ‘far’; in Napu they say kararu for ‘tall, long’ and in Sa’dan Toraja kalando for ‘tall’ Loosdrecht, Adriani Van der Veen 1916:272; Adriani 1893:224; Adriani Kruyt 1914:131; Adriani 1928:928 it is very possible that the o- in ondau, etc. goes back to ka-, even though this prefix in the given forms is not accompanied by prenasalization of the stem, and even though there are other words with ka- which do not denote any kind of quantity, such as kadake Napu, Bada, Sa’dan Toraja ‘bad’. Possibly only in otede, [p. 349] odidi and owose does this prefix go back to ka-, 59 and in ondau, etc. one should think instead about the IN prefix ha-, 60 which in many instances IS accompanied by prenasalization. The meaning of ondau, etc. does not oppose this derivation, compare especially Bisaya hamubó ‘long enough’, hataas ‘high enough’, from bubó, taas R. Kern 1932:118, his spelling. Other prefixes i-, menggo-, manga-, tu-. 363. I know of no case in which the so-called ‘instrumental’ prefix i- is to be pointed out with certainty. Possibly it has been lost in sipi ‘tongs’ Pamona isupi, paho ‘dibble stick’ Pamona ipaho and the like, but this is not certain; compare § 230. One finds a still living prefix i- in the numeral expressions treated in § 281 itolu ‘three nights’, etc.. This i- however is the well-known deictic element, from which the ‘instrumental’ prefix i- must also have originated, just like the suffix -i. In indi’ai ‘here’, ira’ai ‘over there’, etc. and in indiawi ‘yesterday’, the initial i- is the well- known preposition. Concerning menggo- in Upper Mori multiplicative numerals see § 287. Of dead prefixes, the following deserve mention: a manga- the widespread plural prefix Adriani Adriani- Gunning 1908:118, as far as I know is still found in Mori only in mangalitau ‘youth’, in Tontemboan mangalitow, originally meaning ‘youthhood’ but already in Tontemboan shifted to this first-named meaning; and b tu-, the honorific prefix, still found in: uai ‘younger brother, sister, cousin’, from tu and ai; see § 101 tama ‘man’, Upper Mori tuama, from tu and ama ‘father’ umbu ‘owner’, Pamona tumpu, from tu and mpu tina Karunsi’e, Padoe ‘woman’ See further Adriani 1931:260–261 where he discusses these etymologies. THE INFIXES. 364. Mori has two productive infixes, -um- and -in-, and a non-productive infix, the frequentative -al-, -ar- and its allomorphs. They are inserted after the initial consonant of a primary or secondary stem, or, when these begin with a vowel, before the vowel. An example of the latter is Mosilu umaleo ‘taking it’, inalo ‘taken’, from moalo ‘take’. See further §§ 79–81. For the insertion of infixes a reduplicated or repeated stem is treated as a whole, thus tumotoro ‘sit down, sit’ the same as [p. 350] mentoro, sumosompo ‘go in succession, amounting to a number of persons or things’ cf. sompo § 291, kumita-kitao ‘looking at’, kinita-kita ‘looked at, examined’, pinopau ‘discussed’, etc. In order to avoid an accumulation of labials, the infix -um- is omitted whenever the first consonant of the stem is a labial sound; see § 222, where a certain exception to this rule is mentioned, which is probably a Neubildung. Furthermore, -um- is frequently omitted when the stem to which it should be added begins with the prefix te- or the infix -in-, for example ta tekudaakono next to ta tumekudaakono, ‘he shall be angry with him’, from montekudaako, the -ako-derivation of tekuda ‘angry’; also mia anu ine’eheakono or umine’eheakono, ‘the people who found favor in him’. Forms such as paeo ‘dragging it’, weeo ‘giving it to him’, must thus be considered as virtual -um-forms, and are thus herein treated as such. 59 [footnote 1, p. 349] Another case in which the k of this prefix was lost is upali ‘forbidden, taboo’, compare Pamona kapali. 60 [footnote 2, p. 349] See R. Kern 1932:117–120. It remains questionable whether even one example is to be named in which Mori h reflects IN h the form wo’ohu mentioned in § 75 could very well reflect wo’o’u via consonant dissimilation; usually IN h is represented in Mori as glottal stop. -um-. 365. The two functions in which the infix -um- sometimes only virtually present is still productive in Mori have already been treated in Chapter VI; -um- serves: a formation of the singular and dual of the participle forms of transitive verbs with definite objects, provided the stem does not begin with a p-prefix; see § 222, and, for a category of forms with the suffix -ako for which the rules given there do not apply, § 394. b formation of the singular and dual of the participial form of a group of intransitives, for example sumowi ‘harvest’ next to monsowi, trans. ‘id.’, rumope ‘sit forward in the boat’ rope ‘bow’, umuli ‘steer a vessel’ next to mo’uli trans. ‘id.’; uli ‘stern, rear’, tuminti ‘hit on a gong’ tinti is the sound of a gong, etc. See § 224. In -um- derivations in which a substantive or onomatopoetic word lies at the base, the same meanings of the infix occur as are also encountered in the Minahasan languages cf. Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:137 ff see also the examples in § 366. It is clear that both categories of -um-forms originally constituted a unity: the actual transitive counterparts of sumowi and umuli are sumowio ‘harvesting it’ and umulio ‘steering it’, and the citing of the forms monsowi and mo’uli as such rests solely on the custom of citing transitive verbs in the form corresponding to the Malay form with m - and the nasal sound. That -um- in general cannot occur in the plural forms see Chapter 6 is in the nature of things not original, but to be ascribed to a specific Mori hypertrophy of the prefix II me-. [p. 351] 366. A large number of -um-forms are no longer intransitive verbs, but adjectives see § 249: -um- in these forms is inseparable, belonging entirely to a secondary stem, forming a constituent. Examples hereof are: rumodi, said of corn the grains of which are just beginning to form cf. merodi-rodi ‘dimpled’ such as the skin with some diseases of the skin lumele ‘gone around everywhere, spread out’ as of fire or gossip; cf. lele ‘report, news’ lumewe mpando ‘have leaves the size of a pando a sort of lance point’ said of young rice plants tumaro, said of rice plants which have grown into a stool, so that the sprouts are located against each other metaro ‘be located against each other with faces turned toward each other lumelee ‘bloom’ of the rice; the spikes thus face it as that of the lee or alang-alang umundolia, said of the rice as the spikes become yellow becoming the color of undolia wood umolo ‘suffer hunger’ olo ‘between space, between time’ tumotade ‘standing’ mentade ‘stand’ sumosangka ‘with the hands constantly in the position as of one collecting mosangka something’ The two last examples exhibit one-syllable reduplication. Some words are in a process stage, such as sumomba ‘to sail’ perhaps under the influence of the noun somba ‘sail’, sumampu ‘constantly gone away from home’, which thus can be construed as a verb or an adjective. Conversely one can admit that in a case such as sumoo ‘penetrate’ as of liquid, ‘set’ as of the sun or moon, next to which soo occurs in the same meaning, the latter owes its origin to the fact that the verbal noun of sumoo and the form serving as the conjugated form is soo cf. § 324; sumoo is also at present construed as an adjective. Also substantives with -um- occur, for example rumaa, a sort of owl, literally ‘screamer’ rumaa is also an adjective and means thus ‘shout extraordinarily loud, scream’, such as a howling child, rumangka Impo, Molongkuni ‘great male deer with thickly branched antlers’ 61 rangka ‘twig’. 367. -um- is also encountered in combination with other affixes, such as in sumiruko, said of a coconut, the flesh of which is just beginning to form. See further §§ 328 and 361. Examples of truncated -um-forms are mia ‘people’, from mian the form which the Loinan languages have, from umian, stem ian ‘reside, live’, cf. inia ‘village’ § 295, and mingki ‘desire, want, be close to, almost’, stem ingki, occurring in Karunsi’e as ‘want’, Pamona engge ‘id.’, Bugis ingki’. -in-. 368. This infix is added to transitive verb stems in the manner described in § 364 to form the passive participle, for example: ninaa ‘placed, left behind’ [p. 352] wineweu ‘made, fixed’ piningko, pinokopingko ‘used up’ pinepelabu ‘softened in order to forge’ etc. These forms are not limited to the past, but can also have reference to the present moment or to the future, for example: rau t[in]unu be.over.there PASS :grill ‘it is grilled over there.’ ta p[in]epate 3 SG . FUT PASS :kill ‘he shall may should must be killed’ ta t[in]abua 62 3 SG . FUT PASS :banish ‘he must be banished’ Forms with -in- stand in a certain sense against those with te-, the accidental passive participle formative see § 338. The -in-forms can be used attributively as well as predicatively. In the case of the former, these are found when the passive is preceded by the relative pronoun anu, thus serving in what we must render in a relative sense; see §§ 207 and 209. When the passive stands in attributive position, and one also wishes to express the agent, then the agent occurs in the form of a genitive or possessive pronoun, dependent on the -in- form, 63 such as in the examples in §§ 200 and 61 [footnote 1, p. 351] In Tinompo, marangka. In Tinompo rumangka means ‘thickly branched’, as of antlers. 62 [from main text, p. 352] From Moluccan Malay tabuang. 63 [footnote 1, p. 352] kona ‘reached, touched’ is also construed in the same way, e.g. konano ampa ‘touched by the pointed bamboo’, konano wuwu ‘caught in the trap’; cf. § 230. 209. What remains at present is how to treat it when the transitive brought into the passive is preceded by a direction indicating word such as lako ‘go’, aiwa ‘come’, hawe ‘come, arrive’ as in: anu lako in-ungke-to REL go PASS -seek-1 PLN . POS ‘what we have gone seeking’ anu raane in-ungke-to REL go.thither.level PASS -seek-1 PLN . POS ‘what we have sought over there’ anu ramai in-ala-to REL come.hither PASS -get-1 PLN . POS ‘what we have come to get’ ndi ira-mo mia hawe w[in]awa-ku be.here 3 PL - PERF person come PASS :bring-1 SG . POS ‘these are the people I have come bringing’ An -in-form accompanied by a possessive pronoun cannot be combined with one of the personal pronouns of series I see § 145; in this respect it has more the character of a substantive rather than an adjective. When an -in-form is used predicatively, then as a result the agent can be expressed in this way only when it the passive occurs first mentioned and independent, such as in: in-ala-mu ke wunta andio? PASS -get-2 SG . POS INTERROG book this ‘is this book the one one of the ones fetched by you?’ p[in]aho-mu-mo ke pae arau? PASS :plant-2 SG . POS - PERF INTERROG rice that.over.there ‘is this rice what was planted by you or a portion thereof?’ in-isa-mu koa ntu’u ke inisa andio? PASS -pestle-2 SG . POS just truly INTERROG pestled.rice this ‘is this pestled rice really what was pestled by you?’ in which one can also use anu or wunta anu, etc. But when one encounters a sentence in the Bible Reader such as the following J. Kruyt 1928:65: ho-pulu ira mia melowe p[in]oko-madoo-do Ue Isa one-ten 3 PL person leprous PASS : CAUS -healed-3 PL . POS Lord Jesus this can only mean ‘ten lepers who were cured by Jesus’ and not ‘ten lepers were cured by Jesus’; this latter can only be expressed through the active construction: ho-pulu ira mia melowe do-poko-madoo ira Ue Isa one-ten 3 PL person leprous 3 PL - CAUS -healed 3 PL Lord Jesus Conjugated forms are always predicates, and thus after the negative nahi or some corresponding word an -in-form with agent indexing can never be [p. 353] used. One can thus well say: mia anu nahi t[in]o’ori person REL NEG PASS :know ‘someone who is not known’ but not mia anu nahi tino’oriku ‘someone who is not known by me’. In this case, one must employ the active: mia anu nahi ku-to’ori-o person REL NEG 1 SG -know-3 SG ‘someone whom I don’t know’ 369. Derivations of transitive verb stems with the suffix -ako often have two objects, one of the verb itself and one of the suffix. When such forms are converted to the passive which is not possible in all cases, then not the former but the latter becomes subject of the -in-form, for example p[in]o-’isa-ako-ø -ko, aku inisa PASS : TRI -pestle- APPL -3 SG -2 SG , -1 SG pestled.rice ‘for him you me was rice pestled’ next to: mem-p[in]o-’isa-ako kami 64 inisa PL - PASS : TRI -pestle- APPL 1 PLN pestled.rice ‘for us is rice pestled’ The rule is that these forms are only employed for things or goods which the subject uses, makes use of himself, takes for himself, takes into himself, etc. Thus -ako does not have here the meaning of ‘for the benefit of, to the disadvantage of, in the place of’, etc. These -in-…-ako derivations also occur in conjugated form with attributive use cf. § 209, e.g.: inisa anu do-me-’in-isa-ako pestled.rice REL 3 PL - PL - PASS -pestle- APPL ‘pestled rice which was pestled for them’ oliwi anu u-’in-oliwi-ako nahi u-pekaria-o advice REL 2 PL - PASS -advise- APPL NEG 2 SG -care.for-3 SG ‘the advice which was given to you, you did not take to heart’ anu ku-t[in]ende-ako REL 1 SG - PASS :throw- APPL ‘that which I was tossed’ lewe balo i-w[in]inso-ako leaf bamboo 3 SG -enter- APPL ‘the bamboo leaves which have been put into it’ pau ku-p[in]au-ako talk 1 SG - PASS :talk- APPL ‘the words which were said to me’ The same holds true whenever -ako has an instrumental meaning see § 392: keu i-p[in]epate-ako dahu wood 3 SG - PASS :kill- APPL dog ‘the stick of wood with which the dog was killed’ Compare this against: 64 [from main text, p. 353] In abbreviated form, mempino’isaakami. Cf. § 388. dahu p[in]epate-ako keu dog PASS -kill- APPL wood ‘the dog which was killed by a piece of wood’ dahu ku-p[in]epate-ako dog 1 SG - PASS -kill- APPL ‘the dog which was killed for me in other words, for my use’ hala ku-h[in]uku-ako crime 1 SG - PASS -punish- APPL ‘the crime for which I am being punished’, ‘the crime that is being punished on me’ aku h[um]uku-ako-mu ponako-mu 1 SG . FUT PART :punish- CAUS -2 SG thievery-2 SG . POS ‘I shall punish you for your thievery’ mohuku has either the person or the crime as its object; compare however § 394. In every case there is no exception to the rule that the conjugating prefix does not cross-reference the logical object of the action, but rather the object of -ako. Neither is this the case with expressions such as the following, in which -ako is to be understood as instrumental: songka anu ku-t[in]ena-ako command REL 1 SG - PASS :order- APPL ‘the command wherefore I have been sent out’ Of other verbs with two objects, apparently these conjugated forms don’t occur. An expression such as ‘the pestled rice which was given me’ can only be rendered through a form with -ako, thus inisa anu ku-w[in]ee-ako pestled.rice REL 1 SG - PASS :give- APPL ‘the pestled rice which was given me’ compare: mia anu p[in]o-wee-ako inisa person REL 1 SG - PASS :give- APPL pestled.rice ‘the person who was given pestled rice’ The stem wee can be constructed with two objects, see § 234. From mompompahoari ‘plant in’ one can well form: inahu anu i-p[in]om-pahoari-ako bonde greens REL 3 SG - PASS : TRI -plant.in- APPL garden ‘the greens which are planted in the field’ in effect a pleonasm, because mompahoario and mompahoakono come down to the same thing; the form with -ariako occurs thus only in the [p. 354] passive but the passive form with -ari alone can not be used as well the form with only -ako.

370. Many -in-forms have become regular substantives, such as