E e Books 27 Esser Mead Phonology Mori

268. E

XPRESSIONS FOR M ALAY BUKAN . In order not to negate an entire sentence, but only to deny a single word or expression, one uses in the third person singular nahi ia, sometimes shortened to nahia, nahi komba ia a glottal stop is always articulated before the i of ia, or simply nahi komba alone, e.g.: nahi ia ata-no anu m-po-weweu tandu NEG COP slave-3 SG . POS REL PL - TRI -do horn p[in]epeweweu-no PASS :request.to.be.made-3 SG . POS ‘it was not his slaves who had made horns like he had ordered’ sine tawa-tawa atuu nahi komba ia linili but gong that NEG by.any.means COP copper ‘but the gong was not of copper’ ba nahia ongkue um-engomi-ko if NEG : COP 1 SG . INDEP PART -shelter-2 SG ‘if I do not protect you’ komba ia ongkue by.no.means COP 1 SG . INDEP ‘not I’ komba sapi, io ambau by.no.means cow CN carabao ‘not a cow, but a carabao’ [p. 257] The form ia can also be omitted after nahi, namely when there is yet another particle following, e.g. see § 246: nahi o linili or: nahi io linili NEG : CN copper NEG CN copper ‘not copper’ ba na-po 27 ongkue ela hawe if NEG - PERF 1 SG , INDEP friend arrive ‘when for a time I did not come’ ba na-mo koa i Eko mo-’onsoi, if NEG - PERF just PN Cook.Pot.Base PART : TRI -obstruct asa-lako-no i-rako aku-mo i Ngeo one-go-3 SG . POS 3 SG -seize 1 SG - PERF PN Cat ‘if it had not been for Cook Pot Base alone who blocked the way, I should certainly have been caught by Cat’ ba na-mo koa 28 omiu t[um]ulungi-o, bara’ura if NEG - PERF just 2 PL . INDEP PART :help-3 SG perhaps na-mi ta tuwu NEG - PERF :3 SG 3 SG . FUT live ‘if YOU had not helped him, perhaps he would no longer be alive’ 27 [from main text, p. 257] Or: …nahipo… or …nahi iapo… 28 [from main text, p. 257] Or: …nahimo koa… or …nahi iamo koa… If the subject of bukan is not a third person singular, then by the nature of things ia cannot be used. In that case nahi nahi komba, komba ndi aku, etc. are used, which are nothing other than usual negative expressions, but which carry more emphasis than nahi ku-, etc. For example: nahi ndi kami me-dahu ka i-me-gau kami kanatuu NEG be.here 1 PLX PL -dog and 2 PL - PL -treat 1 PLX like.that ‘we are not dogs, that you should treat us so’ nahi ndi aku mekombe NEG be.here 1 SG crazy ‘I am not crazy’ This construction also occurs in the third person singular, see § 182. The expressions nahi ndio and nahi ia are not entirely equivalent, however, because in ndio and likewise in ndi aku, etc. a personal pronoun is still felt to be present, and these forms are thus only used when some emphasis falls on the person or thing thereby indicated. Similar forms also occur with other negative words, for example: na-mi ia hawe-a NEG - PERF :3 SG COP encounter- NZR ‘he was no more to be found’ lit., ‘his place of being found was not’ na-m-i da hawe-a NEG - PERF -3 SG still encounter- NZR ‘id.’ si ia anu itu’ai ala-o NEG . IMPV COP REL there get-3 SG ‘don’t take it there’ pau-ako-no ka-si ia onae lako i Dale tell- APPL -3 SG so.that- NEG . IMPV COP 3 SG . INDEP go to Dale ‘tell him that he himself must not go to Dale’ In the last two examples, both of which express the vetitive, ia can also be omitted. And when nothing else follows after the concerned substantive, the use of ia itself is excluded. si onae or: osi’i onae NEG . IMPV 3 SG . INDEP NEG . IMPV 3 SG . INDEP ‘let it not be him’ si komba uai-ku NEG . IMPV by.any.means younger.sibling-1 SG . POS ‘let it not be my younger brother’ ‘No longer’ in the sense of bukan lagi can also be expressed by komba da ia compare § 266, for example: komba da ia n-to’ori-a-ku NEG still COP LG -know- NZR -1 SG . POS ‘it is no longer my responsibility’ In certain fixed expressions, prenasalization can occur with the word following the word for bukan. The cases known to me are: nahi etc. n-to’ori-a-ku etc. NEG LG -know- NZR -1 SG . POS ‘it does not regard me etc., it is not my etc. responsibility’ nahia n-t[in]o’ori-ku etc. NEG : COP LG - PASS :know-1 SG . POS ‘id.’ nahia m-po-’alu-a-ku etc. NEG : COP LG - TRI -affect- NZR -1 SG . POS ‘it does not regard me etc., it’s none of my etc. business, it does not concern me etc.’ nahia m-pe-’alu-a-ku etc. NEG : COP LG - INTR -affect- NZR -1 SG . POS ‘id.’ nahia n-tutu’u-a-no NEG : COP LG -true- NZR -3 SG . POS ‘it is not correct’ nahia n-tutu’u-a-no ka ongkue anu t[um]o’ori-o NEG : COP LG -true- NZR -3 SG . POS and 1 SG . INDEP REL PART :know-3 SG ‘in no case do I carry responsibility for it, is there any way I should be required to take responsibility for it?’ As an answer to a question or remark bukan, one uses nahi ia, komba ia, or simply naahi or uuhu ‘it is not’. Examples such as the following are curious constructions. Here the object of an imperative which occurs in combination with a vetitive see § 238 in the following examples: ambau and mia is placed between these two so that emphasis falls on it. si lako ambau ala-o NEG . IMPV go carabao get-3 SG ‘don’t take the carabao’ si aiwa ambau ala-o NEG . IMPV come carabao get-3 SG ‘don’t come fetch the carabao’ si lako mia peroronge-ako-no NEG . IMPV go person listen- APPL -3 SG ‘don’t listen to other people’ [p. 258] In other words, si here has the meaning of a prohibiting bukan see above. The verb lako which scarcely has the force of an inchoative particle, see footnote 2, p. 110 can also be omitted in these sentences, or replaced by ia. Regarding tai as an equivalent of bukan, see § 264. 269. As already remarked in § 264, Tinompo possesses no separate form for expressing Malay bukan. At any rate ndio and ia mean nothing more than ‘it’ §§ 162, 181 and 182, and these words can be omitted when nahi is followed by another particle or replaced by komba. Compare also § 266. Watu has ino, which is to be analyzed as negator i- see § 263 and the pronoun -no or no-, and which entirely lines up with Upper Mori kano. In another part of the Watu language area they use inee, e.g.: i-nee inaku ue-no NEG -this 1 SG . INDEP owner-3 SG . POS ‘I am not the owner of it’ [Watu] in which nee must be ‘this’ see § 192, Table 2, and which thus corresponds with Tinompo nahi ndio. Karunsi’e has the forms no’ie and noleu ie compare ia or nahi ia, etc., the Padoe lano oo, which also means literally ‘not it’. The Upper Mori use ikano, ikano komba or komba alone, thus without any ia; sometimes nggo § 195 is also employed, e.g.: ka-no nggo tudua NEG -3 SG then use ‘not to be taken notice of’ [Impo] As a stand-alone expression bukan the Molongkuni have akano see § 263; the other Upper Mori dialects use, so far as is known to me, only ikano komba ho’io, komba ho’io, etc. 270. The words for ‘no’ and ‘not yet’ etc. are actually interjections. The Tinompo use naahi or uuhu, the latter of which is general Mori. 29 The form uuhu actually is pronounced with a closed mouth entirely through the nose and sounds then roughly like a nasal h . It stands opposite huu’u ‘yes’ Watu hoo’o, which can also be reduced to a sound represented by h ’ or ’ likewise entirely through the nose. The interjectional character of this word appears clearly from the deviation which it exhibits from the rule given in § 33 that an h cannot be followed by a glottal stop. The pronunciation hu’uu or h ’ , ’ , spoken through the nose also occurs, with the same meaning as Tinompo ho’io or iao, French si see § 162. Another word for ‘yes’ is humbee. Concerning ho’io, see § 162. The forms aio, ilahi and ilau have already been mentioned in § 263. ARTICLES AND PREPOSITIONS. 271. Although the articles and the prepositions in Mori have become differentiated in both form and meaning, they are one in origin. They are all with the exception of la mentioned in § 275 to be traced back to the well-known deictic elements i or one of its alternate forms and a in both cases whether or not closed by a nasal, or to a combination thereof. [p. 259] 272. The article for personal names and names of animals and things which serve as such is i. Examples hereof are given among other places in § 159. It must still be remarked that in Mori the names of occupations or ranks cannot be used as proper names. Expressions such as Pamona i Guru ‘Teacher’, i Mokole ‘Ruler’ etc. are thus incorrect in Mori i Datu ‘Monarch’ and i Tua ‘Sir’ Malay Tuan are used once in a while, but then these words are considered to be proper names. One can indeed say i kumisi Towi ‘the district head Towi’, i bonto Labonde ‘the member of the bonto-noble class Labonde’, etc. and likewise i anse Aiu ‘the Chinese Aui’, etc., in which the name of the rank, etc. is placed between the proper name and the accompanying article; nevertheless not all names of occupations, etc. can be used in this way also one does not do it with European family names; compare § 274. Kinship terms can well be supplied with i, thus i Ama ‘Father’, i Ue ‘Grandfather, Grandmother’, also ‘My Lord’ spoken by a slave, and ‘the Lord God’ next to Ue Ala, ondae Ue Ala or ondai Ue Ala, ondai Ue; compare § 158. For that matter the article i can occur with these words in Upper Mori even when they are not serving as a proper name, for example: songgo i ama-ro mate-’o-to, nggo-to koa but PN father-3 PL . POS dead-3 SG - PERF then- PERF just i ine-ro henu da tuwu PN mother-3 PL . POS REL still live ‘but their father was dead, it was only their mother who was still yet living’ [Molongkuni] 29 [footnote 1, p. 258] The Karunsi’e have ne’uuhu, literally ‘not this, not it’ see § 192 ff., next to uuhu. In Molongkuni the use of i even appears to be obligatory whenever a kinship term is not followed by a genitive pronoun. The form ai which is also found in Tinompo is spoken of toward the end of § 167. The article for common nouns in Tinompo is io or o the first is the more frequently used. The function of this word is nothing other than to give some relief to the substantive which follows it, more or less to raise it up out of the entirety of the sentence and to give it thereby a certain amount of independence and emphasis, even though only very slightly, especially in the mouth of some people who use io with just about every substantive that they utter. Other people, on the other hand, make much less use of it, but overall one can say nevertheless that this particle occurs frequently in Mori. Often it is nothing more than a stopgap which serves to fill the pause which the speaker needs in order to call to mind the word which he will use. Compare the use of nu in Pamona, which almost completely covers that of io; see Adriani 1931:351. When a substantive stands alone, for example as the answer to a question hapa ke arau? io bange ‘What is that there? A monkey.’ the article is usually not omitted. In a case like this a certain emphasis falls on the concerned substantive. In general one can say that, when a substantive has stress and this is not expressed by another particle, io is always used. This particle is also not omitted when two substantives follow immediately after each other without further modification be it thus a demonstrative, a number or something similar, e.g.: i-kapo-o-mo nggapu io dahu 3 SG -grab-3 SG - PERF cat CN dog ‘the cat grabbed the dog’ also ikapoomo io nggapu io dahu, or ikapoomo io nggapu dahu, thus in such cases one uses the article io with at least one of the two substantives. This is a point of difference with Pamona, where nu or prenasalization functions especially as a marker of the subject. As far as I know, apart from these two contexts the use of io is never syntactically required. [p. 260] Sentences in which the article io occurs are to be found in abundance in this book, so that it is not necessary to give any further examples here. One can consider the article io to be a feature of general Mori, though it has other forms in Impo and Molongkuni subdialects. That o is a shortening of io can be derived from the fact that o does not occur in Watu or Upper Mori. This need not conflict with the derivation of io from i + a given in § 271. The article for common nouns in Impo is a, sometimes na, that of Molongkuni ina, na or a, both with final nasal, or said another way: accompanied by prenasalization of the following word, in so far as it lends itself to being prenasalized. Examples: a pontu ‘a can’ Tinompo io pontu a ngkau ‘wood’ ina eno Molongkuni ‘a golden necklace’ ina To Molongkuni ‘the Molongkuni’ na nsuai ‘a cucumber’ na inie-ro CN village-3 PL . POS ‘their village’ [Molongkuni] Seeing as how na is clearly a shortening of ina, it is very well possible that a represents a further shortening of ina, just as o does of io. For that matter a and na are often further reduced in context to simple prenasalization, e.g.: aso ng-koro one CN -heron ‘a heron’ mo’ia-’ia s[um]ikori-o ng-kalamboro isie PART :stay PART :await-3 SG CN -people.eater that ‘staying awaiting the people-eater’ [Impo] That the demonstratives andio and atuu must often be rendered with a definite article in our language has already been remarked upon in § 174. Concerning aasa ‘one’ with the force of an indefinite article, see § 282. 273. Is there any evidence in Mori to indicate that at a former stage it had a postposed article e, known from Bugis among other languages Adriani 1931:352? This doesn’t appear to me to be at all certain. A word such as limbue ‘large whirlpool’ compare Pamona limbue ‘enclosed space, hollow’ allows itself to be analyzed as the stem limbu ‘round, around’ and a suffixed element -e, but the meaning of this word can no longer be derived from the parts of which it is composed, so that it is more natural to see in -e a formative element. The same applies to unggoe ‘Jew’s harp’ Pamona dinggoe, at any rate if the derivation—which is nothing more than a hypothesis—given in Adriani 1931:352 is correct. Molongkuni pakue, Tinompo paku Malay, etc. identical ‘a species of fern’ could possibly be an example, but often there occurs an affix or rather a formative element in names of plants, animals, household objects, etc. the function of which is rightly that of a classificatory nature see § 293; the -e of limbue could also be included hereunder. The form wuruke ‘rotten egg’, stem wuru mowuru ‘moldered, rotten, decayed’, Malay buruk could be considered properly to mean ‘the rotten’, but as to this one has the least certainty, especially in light of the fact that mowuru is used only of wood, rattan, roofing thatch, and the such. It is true that ue ‘grandfather, grandmother, master, mistress’ Pamona pue consists of the known root pu and a suffixed element e, and it is also not impossible that the latter is the article e compare the nearly synonymous ombu ‘owner’, Pamona tumpu, from the same root or single syllable stem and the honorific prefix tu-, but this e also admits of other explanations; one could interpret it for example as originally an interjection, or as originating from a compare Bugis puang under influence of the circumstance that the word was often used as a vocative or term of address. 30 The occurrence of the article e in Mori thus appears not to be established. [p. 261] 274. The proper prepositions of Tinompo are three or four, if one will in number, namely: a with nasal coda, in other words accompanied by prenasalization of the word which follows it, assuming that it eligible for such, i and ndi. Moreover a compounded form ia also occurs, which has the same usage as a. The meaning of these three prepositions is the same. They must, according to circumstances, be translated with ‘in, with, on, upon, at, to, with respect to, toward, until’, etc., and a few times also by ‘from, off’, the latter however only in particular cases compare § 276, such as in: daa-po do-m-pepusa-ako a bente, meene-o-mo still- INCOMP 3 PL - PL -withdraw.oneself- APPL at fort bright-3 SG - PERF ‘scarcely had they withdrawn from the fortification than it was day’ ku-’onini-o a meda 1 SG -remove-3 SG at table ‘I’ve taken it off the table’ ku-’ala-o a lamari 1 SG -get-3 SG at wardrobe ‘I’ve fetched it from the wardrobe’ 30 [footnote 2, p. 260] Compare Pamona, Mori ine ‘mother’, Malayo-Polynesian ina. Adriani 1931:55 explains the final vowel of Pamona ine by analogy from the co-form nene, but the latter is not found in Mori. That one probably has to dismiss the possibility of a regular sound change of a to e in Mori see § 38 is shown by the Mori word naina ‘aunt’ and the like-sounding Pamona form ine where the change of a to e is irregular. mo-’inu a n-tonde PART : TRI -drink at LG -glass ‘drink from a glass’ mong-kaa a sempe PART : TRI -eat at plate ‘eat from a plate’ mon-tambu uwoi a ng-kineke 31 PART : TRI -draw water at LG -well ‘draw water from the well’ ku-lohu-o a n-tonisu-ku 1 SG -take.off-3 SG at LG -finger-1 SG . POS ‘I took it off my finger’ a ring, for example tedonta a minama fallen at areca.palm ‘fallen from an areca palm’ In the majority of these cases however the use of ‘off’ and ‘from’ in English is merely a matter of language parlance, compare French: prendre sur la table, dans l’armoire, boire dans un verre, manger dans une assiette, puiser dans un puits, etc. So also one can translate: s[um]aari ira mia i raha-do PART :chase.away 3 PL person at house-3 PL . POS as ‘chase away the people from their house’, but the actual meaning is ‘chase away the people located in their house’. The form a or ia is the general and most used preposition, which is replaced by i or ndi only in certain cases. Of these two, ndi is used exclusively: a with personal pronouns and what corresponds to such see §§ 152, 200 and 207 32 and with proper names of people and of animals or in stories of personified objects, etc., in other words with proper names which take the article i, which i however is assimilated into the i of ndi, for example: ndi Lagiwa at Deer ‘with the Deer’ as proper name, in a story ana-no ndi Wetolina child-3 SG . POS at Wetolina ‘his child with Wetolina’ 31 [from main text, p. 261] Also mo’ala uwoi a ngkineke ‘fetch water from the well’. 32 [footnote 1, p. 261] With anu that is to say in a relative clause; see footnote 2, p. 162 only a is used, not ndi, for example: mansa-do me-hawe nana’ote andio a anu m-pedolo at.once-3 PL . POS PL -arrive children this at REL PL -bathe ‘when the children had come to the ones bathing’ a anu m-pon-to’ori m-pon-seu na-hina l[um]aloi-o at REL PL - TRI -know PL - TRI -sew NEG -exist PART :surpass-3 SG ‘among the ones who can sew, there is no one who surpasses her’ b with common nouns which denote family relationships, in which case however a can also be used, for example: ndi ine-no at mother-3 SG . POS ‘with etc. his mother’ ndi ana-ku at child-1 SG . POS ‘with my child’ [p. 262] If the concerned word serves as a proper name, then naturally only ndi is possible, for example ndi Ine ‘with Mother’. No a can be used with personal pronouns including isema ‘who?’ or proper names including i Anu ‘What’s- his-name’, conversely neither can ndi be used with common nouns, except for the cases just mentioned. One can thus only say: aku l[um]ako a n-sina 1 SG . FUT PART :go at LG -Chinese ‘I’m going to the Chinese’ ‘chinese’ with a small ‘c’ would be more correct doito a n-tua afraid at LG -tuan ‘afraid of the tuan’ tua is used as a common noun for designating Europeans and those placed on a par therewith, such as teachers and various officials of foreign nationality, etc. and not for example aku lumako ndi Tua. If one is speaking politely, then one says ndi ondae Tua ‘to my Lord’; see § 158. If a proper name follows a common noun functioning as apposition, then indeed use is made of ndi, for example: ndi anse Aiu at Chinese Aiu ‘with the Chinese Aiu’ ndi tua Kuruiti at tuan Kruyt ‘with Tuan Kruyt’ ndi tua Molua Rea at tuan Pour.forth Blood ‘with Tuan Blood-Spewer’ missionary H. G. van Eelen It is more difficult to define the difference between a and i. As has already been said, a is the general preposition, which is always used with common nouns which denote people, animals, plants or moving objects, for example: a mpido ‘in the bottle pido, in a bottle, in the bottles’ a benu ‘to the coconut tree, to the coconut trees, at the coconut trees, etc.’ a bonti ‘with the wild pigs’ The word koroi, which has i in expressions such as the following, is a negligible exception: ana i koroi-no child at body-3 SG . POS ‘a child out of his body’, ‘an actual child of his’ sangka i koroi-ku thing at body-1 SG . POS ‘my own apparel’ Compare: sangka a ng-koroi-ku thing at LG -body-1 SG . POS ‘the clothes which I am wearing on my body’ The preposition i is used only to designate places and times 33 which are conceived of as a individuated unit. If this is not the case, if the concerned locative or temporal is conceived of as a whole composed of parts, as a place- complex or a time interval of a certain duration, then one uses a. The following examples of locatives with i and a temporal expressions come up for discussion below illustrate this rule: i bolongko, a bolongko ‘in a, the room’ i raha ‘at home’, versus a raha ‘in the house, on the house’, also ‘at home’ rau a raha mami be.over.there at house 1 PLX . POS ‘it is on our house’ said of a bird kita m-pong-kaa a raha 1 PLN . FUT PL - TRI -eat at house ‘we will eat at home’ thus on the floor of the house, not on the ground, not outside The synonym rodoha is handled the same way as raha. [p. 263] l[um]ako i uwoi PART :go at water ‘go to the water’ that is, to the river, the spring, etc. l[um]ako a uwoi PART :go at water ‘venture into water’ mentoa a uwoi PART :jump at water ‘jump into water’ bou s[um]owe a uwoi fish PART :swim at water ‘the fish swim in the water’ s[um]owe i uwoi PART :swim at water ‘swim in the river, etc.’ by the nature of things this cannot be said of fish 33 [footnote 2, p. 262] See below concerning certain words which connect up with this. i wita andio at earth this ‘in this land’ a wita andio at earth this ‘in this place, on this spot’ a wita andio nahi moiko to-pom-paho-ari-o osole at earth this NEG good 1 PLN - TRI -plant- LOC -3 SG corn ‘this ground is not good for planting corn on’ a wita mami nahi ta tuwu keu andio at earth 1 PLX . POS NEG 3 SG . FUT live wood this ‘these trees would not grow well on our soil’ kita m-pong-kaa i or a wita 1 PLN . FUT PL - TRI -eat at earth ‘we will eat on the ground’ i torukuno andio hina-o bensi at mountain this exist-3 SG anoa ‘there are anoa on this mountain conceived of as an entirety’ a n-torukuno andio hina-o bensi at LG -mountain this exist-3 SG anoa ‘id.’, but more specific: on the upper portion of the mountain, on the mountain proper, there where the slopes pa’ano begin to be steeper 34 a n-torukuno at LG -mountain ‘on the mountain’ in general manu momua a mbumbunge chicken PART :perch at roof.ridge ‘the chicken is perched on the ridge of the roof’ mia moturi i mbumbunge person PART :sleep at roof.ridge ‘people who sleep in the ridge’ that is to say, in a small loft under the ridge, which is often installed there for young men to sleep on i inia-do To Mori at village-3 PL . POS People Mori ‘in the villages of the Upper Mori’ a inia-do To Mori onae andio anu tekosi at village-3 PL . POS People Mori 3 SG . INDEP this REL pretty ‘among the villages of the Mori this is the prettiest’ in this meaning one uses by the nature of things only a or ia 34 [footnote 1, p. 263] One should remember herewith the actual meaning of torukuno, that it is derived from toruku ‘the middle of the back which with animals forms a ridge or eminence’, literally ‘knobby, spined’ Adriani 1931:228; wuku ntoruku is ‘backbone’, wita mentoruku is a ‘hunched, mountainous land’ versus wita metamungku ‘hilly, rolling land’. mebinta i or a inia PART :leave at village ‘leave the village’ mo’ia a inia-do mia PART :live at village-3 PL . POS person ‘live in foreign parts outside, abroad’ 35 ia n-sala i tonga-lere ku-tepo-hawe-ako-no at LG -way at middle-field 1 SG - RECIP -meet- APPL -3 SG ‘I met him on the way to the field’ aku l[um]ako a n-tonga-lere 1 SG . FUT PART :go at LG -middle-field ‘I will set off 36 into the field between the plants’ One can also say i tonga-lere for example when one is located in the field hut or on the way there. From the description of the difference between a and i given above, it does not follow that if a word which designates a place is constructed with a, the extent thereof should always be greater [p. 264] than when the same word has i preceding. Rather the reverse is often the case, such as has already emerged from the examples above with wita. Other examples of cases in which a denotes a more restricted location than i are: i wawo-no torukuno at upper.surface-3 SG . POS mountain ‘up on the mountain, on the upper part of the mountain’ a wawo-no torukuno at upper.surface-3 SG . POS mountain ‘on the top of the mountain’ thus ‘up on the mountain’ in a narrower sense lere mami i pu’u-no torukuno field 1 PLX . POS at base-3 SG . POS mountain ‘our field lies in the area at the foot of the mountains’ lere mami a m-pu’u-no torukuno field 1 PLX . POS at LG -base-3 SG . POS mountain ‘our field lies in a place at the foot of the mountain’ The place or spot likened to be an individuated, single unity standing out from its surroundings is often of very great extent. It goes without saying that the number of words which can take both i and a preceding are relatively few. With most words just one preposition is possible. Proper names of places always take i this does not apply however to names of rivers, thus i Tambalako or a nTambalako, compare a ngkorono ‘in the river’ where no i is possible. An i also occurs in indi’ai ‘here’, itu’ai, ira’ai, etc. ‘there’, isua ‘where?’, etc. Words such as luwu ‘all’ see § 291, sala ‘way, path’, tobu ‘forest’ and tonga-mpada ‘grassy plain’ always take a, pa’ano ‘mountain slope’ on the other hand always i. Also the derivations with the suffix -a in so far as they are felt to be such mostly take the preposition a, but not in: 35 [from main text, p. 263] Otherwise only mo’ia i inia. 36 [footnote 2, p. 263] Aku lumako may also said by someone who is already on the way, namely to express that he WILL VENTURE TO a certain place. i saba-a-no oleo at appear- NZR -3 SG . POS sun ‘in, to the east’ i soo-ka-no oleo at set- NZR -3 SG . POS sun ‘in, to the west’ i tompa-a-no wawo n-tolino at extremity- NZR -3 SG . POS upper.surface LG -visible.world ‘at the end of the world’ compare: i wita andio at earth this ‘in this land’ i pe-rame-rame-a 37 at INTR - REDP -make.merry- NZR ‘to the feast’ If however an -a form serves as a modifier of a substantive, then the use of a is not necessary, for example: a or i raha matea at house death ‘at the death house’ i or a oleo lakoa-ku at day departure-1 SG . POS ‘on the day of my departure’ Also temporal expressions can occur in two ways: as a point in time with which the duration remains outside of consideration, and as a space of time. In the first case it is usually used without preposition, for example: aku l[um]ako oleo minggu 1 SG . FUT PART :go day Sunday ‘I will go Sunday, I will go on a Sunday’ wongi koa andio ka do-m-polai night just this and 3 PL - PL -flee ‘that same night they fled’ pom-pu’u-a-no TRI -begin- NZR -3 SG . POS ‘in the beginning’ oleo ka wongi 38 day and night ‘by day and by night’ 37 [from main text, p. 264] But mostly a mperame-ramea… 38 [from main text, p. 264] Or meene ka wongi in the same meaning. In similar cases however once in a while i is employed. If the temporal modifier is conceived of as a space of time, and ‘on’ or ‘in’ thus has the sense of ‘during’, then one uses a, for example: mo-’angga a oleo minggu PART : TRI -work at day Sunday ‘work on Sunday’ a oleo mata-no pe-rame-rame-a at day main-3 SG . POS INTR - REDP -make.merry- NZR ‘on the principle day of the feast’ In these cases however on can also use i see above. 39 With wula ‘month’ and ta’u ‘year’ i is never used, e.g.: a wula andio ramai 40 ta hina hapa-hapa anu gagi at month this come.hither 3 SG . FUT exist REDP -what REL become ‘in the coming month something shall happen’ wula andio ramai kita m-pelimba month this come.hither 1 PLN . FUT PL -move ‘we will move this coming month’ [p. 265] Certain other words which are always constructed with i, such as aroa ‘heart, spirit, insides’, sikola ‘attendance at school, class’ abstract of sikola ‘attend school, receive instruction’; i sikola is thus to be taken as ‘at school, in class’, not ‘to the school building’ connect up, as far as their meaning is concerned, with the denotation of place and time as an individuated unity, even if they are not to be strictly considered as such. That the Dutch often uses a preposition where none is applied in Mori, scarcely requires anything further to be said. Compare: mangkilo-o-mo langi ana-no i Wula glitter-3 SG - PERF sky child-3 SG . POS PN Moon ‘the sky shines from with Moon’s children that is, the stars’ mosa’o aroa-ku w[in]eweu-no ugly heart-1 SG . POS PASS :do-3 SG . POS ‘I was angry about what he had done’ doi i-’asa-o ohia money 3 SG -sell-3 SG salt ‘he spent lit., sold the money on salt’ u-te’ala-po melempa, nahi komba iko hawe 2 SG -quick- INCOMP PART :walk NEG by.any.means 2 SG . FUT arrive asa langku inso i Dale hawe i Tinompo one hour from at Dale arrive at Tinompo ‘even if you travel fast, you cannot make it from Dale to Tinompo in an hour’ 275. Molio’a speakers among others use in place of ndi the unprenasalized form ri, while Watu speakers use nde followed by the article, e.g. nde ihiro ‘to them’. The Ulu Uwoi use in place of a the preposition la, known from among other places in Sumbanese this form is not accompanied by prenasalization of the following word. Following information provided by J. Ritsema, the preposition la also occurs in Tambee, and here and in Ulu Uwoi 39 [footnote 1, p. 264] For ‘work by day’ one can only say mo’angga i oleo mo’angga a oleo means ‘work in the sun’. 40 [from main text, p. 264] Also i laro-no wula andio ramai… ‘at inside the coming month…’. la is also used in the sense of the Tinompo article io, from which clearly appears the unity of the articles and the prepositions § 271. The form ia appears not to occur in Watu. The form ai which also occurs in Bungku has already been spoken of in § 167. Other dialectal differences are not known to me. Various derivations are formed from the locative prepositional elements e.g. mo’ia ‘live’, the treatment of which does not belong at home in the grammar. 276. The prepositions i and a ia can be combined with words such as laro ‘interior’, hori ‘side’, wawo ‘upper surface’, aro ‘front side’, toto ‘underside’ and the like, whereby expressions such as our prepositions ‘in, inside’, ‘next to’, ‘on, above’, ‘in front of’, ‘under’, etc. originate, but which are not properly to be considered prepositions. These expressions can be constructed in two ways: the words laro, etc. can either be compounded with the following substantive, or else stand in genitive relationship with it. In the first case there is a perceptible tendency to allow the choice of the preposition i or a to depend on the following substantive from which the prepositional character of the expressions under consideration clearly appears. So for example one usually speaks of: a laro burua compound at interior bureau ‘in the bureau’ but: i laro-no burua genitive relationship at interior-3 SG . POS bureau ‘in the bureau’ as laro itself is usually accompanied by i. Nevertheless this is not a fixed rule. Other examples: a or i hori-no ta’i ambau atuu at side-3 SG . POS feces carabao that ‘next to that carabao manure’ ia hori-no wuwu at side-3 SG . POS trap ‘next to the trap’ This word, however, does not entirely line up with the other forms mentioned above, because when there is a modifier following the second element, hori cannot be compounded with it, thus: a horino wuwuno ‘next to his trap’, but not a hori wuwuno. a m-puu 41 ensa at LG -vicinity ladder ‘in the vicinity of, near the foot of the ladder’ [p. 266] a m-puu ng-karu-mu at LG -vicinity LG -foot-2 SG . POS ‘near your foot’ a m-puu raha at LG -vicinity house ‘on the premises’ 41 [footnote 1, p. 266] Note that puu is not the same as pu’u Malay pohon ‘bottom, base, trunk of plants, etc., origin’, etc. The meaning of puu is ‘the surroundings of something, the space around the base of something’, usually on the ground but this is not necessary. This last can also be expressed as i puu raha. Also an expression such as inso or te’inso a, i, ndi ‘from, off of, of’, etc. see §§ 148 and 218 can be considered a secondary preposition, as in: olai ntu’u do-me-lako inso 42 a bangka-do far truly 3 PL - PL -go be.from at boat-3 PL . POS ‘they went very far away from their boat’ The forms inso and te’inso are actually adjectives with the meaning ‘originating from’, for example: inso-ko isua? be.from-2 SG where ‘where do you come from?’ isua u-te’inso? where 2 SG -be.from ‘where do you come from?’ CONJUNCTIONS. 277. A summary of the conjunctions present in the language belongs no more at home in the grammar than a full treatment of all adverbs, prepositions, or interjections. It must be pointed out that of the conjunctions which Mori has at its disposal, none of them are original in this function see for example §§ 183 and 214 and that some conjunctions also have the function of adverbs or adjectives, for example ke see p. 201, note 2, mansa see §§ 148 and 282, sine ‘but, nevertheless’, kana ‘like, as’ see § 145, fifth example. It is then also not surprising that sentences which belong together in one way or another are often placed next to each other without conjunction, such as also occurs in our language for that matter. Cases of this nature have already been mentioned in the conclusion of § 215. Other examples are: te’ingka mansa kita mate, nahi to-ranta k[um]aa-no near.future once 1 PLN . FUT dead NEG 1 PLN -reach PART :eat-3 SG ‘when once we might soon be dead, we should not even have eaten it up’ i-hawe-o uwoi sampe i-potae ba io tahi 3 SG -encounter-3 SG water stagnant 3 SG -say if CN sea ‘when he came across a puddle, he thought that it was the sea’ ongkue, Ue, mosa’o ure-ku nahi komba aku 1 SG . INDEP Grandmother bad lines-1 SG . POS NEG by.any.means 1 SG . FUT tekuda, moiko ure-ku nahi komba aku tekuda angry good lines-1 SG . POS NEG by.any.means 1 SG . FUT angry ‘As for me, Grandmother, be the lines of the palms of my hands not good, I will not be angry; be they good, I will not be angry’ kita mo-wangu raha anu tekosi, nahi kita 1 PLN . FUT PART : TRI -erect house REL beautiful NEG 1 PLN . FUT mom-poko-wangu PART : TRI - POTENT -erect ‘even if we I were to build a nice house, we I wouldn’t be able to’ 42 [from main text, p. 266] Less used: me’inso. te-pendua koa kada ongkue ku-soso-o, konaanomo VOL -twice just AFFIRM 1 SG . INDEP 1 SG -suck-3 SG it.is.enough ‘if I just took two drags from it, it would satisfy me’ l[um]ako um-oho-o manu-no, nahi poko-’oho-o PART :go PART -snare-3 SG chicken-3 SG . POS NEG POTENT -snare-3 SG ‘he went up to catch his chicken with a noose, but he didn’t succeed’ 43 mepau-ako ira manu-do do-m-ponako-o mia PART :talk- APPL 3 PL chicken-3 PL . POS 3 PL - PL -steal-3 SG person ‘they talked about it that their chickens had been stolen by others’ More examples are to be found in § 157. [p. 267] In the following example: sine nahi to’ori-o Datu andio ka i-mate boe, but NEG know-3 SG Monarch this and 3 SG -dead domesticated.pig i-paka-ako-no ondo 3 SG -feed- APPL -3 SG bitter.yam ‘the Monarch did not know that the reason the pigs were dead was that they had been given ondo-tubers to eat’ the conjunction ‘that’ motae or nine has been omitted from the beginning of the complement clause because of the influence of ka, which actually introduces a subordinate clause belonging back with the complement clause. In dependent questions which present an alternative, the introductory interrogative particle ba or ke can be omitted under the influence of the following ke ‘or, instead’, for example: i-pesikeno-ako-no langkai ke kodei raha mami 3 SG -ask- APPL -3 SG big or small house 1 PLX . POS ‘he asked whether our house was big or small’ mentee ke nahi, nahia n-to’ori-a-to ntada right or NEG NEG : COP LG -know- NZR -1 PLN . POS 1 PLN . ADD ‘whether it is true or not, that is not our business’ The same applies when ke … ke occurs in the sense of ‘be it … or’, for example: ke uusa ke nahi usa, asa-lako-no kita me-lako oleo andio if rain if NEG rain one-go-3 SG . POS 1 PLN . FUT PL -go day this ‘be it raining or not, in either case we shall leave today’ Also subordinate sentences without conjunctions could have originated through transposition of substantive constructions compare the conditional subordinate clauses of Dutch which are not distinguished by a conjunction but only by a change in word order. For examples, see Chapter 5. When such a form followed by mo or po; see §§ 238 and 246 occurs in concessive meaning, one probably has to suppose an original imperative see § 239, for example: i-hadio-mo oli-no, asa-lako-no ku um-owahi-o 3 SG -many- PERF price-3 SG . POS one-go-3 SG . POS 1 SG . FUT PART .pay-3 SG ‘let the price be high, the price may be high, undoubtedly I shall pay for him’ 43 [footnote 2, p. 266] On the other hand Mori sometimes uses sine ‘but’ where we would not; see for example § 253, second example. The reason for the double use of sine in this case could well be that in actuality there exists no word ‘and’ for the coupling of two sentences to each other in a true coordinate relationship. i-hadio-po oli-no, asa-lako-no ku um-owahi-o 3 SG -many- INCOMP price-3 SG . POS one-go-3 SG . POS 1 SG . FUT PART -pay-3 SG ‘even though the price is still high, undoubtedly I shall pay for him’ u-pe-pande-pande-ako-po sine lano nahi ko-pande 2 SG - INTR - REDP -clever- APPL - INCOMP nevertheless of.course NEG 2 SG . FUT -clever ‘even though you also do your best, nevertheless you shall not be capable’ i-mahaki-mo, nahi ku-dampangi-o 3 SG -sick- PERF NEG 1 SG -go.side.by.side-3 SG ‘let the pain be, it doesn’t bother me’ i-mentee-po, i-tai-po mentee, nahia n-to’ori-a-to 3 SG -right- INCOMP 3 SG - NEG - INCOMP right NEG : COP LG -know- NZR -1 PLN . POS ‘it may be correct, it may not be correct it may or may not be correct, that is none of our business’ i-molue-po 44 tonga-lere-do sine na-p-i molue ntu’u 3 SG -broad- INCOMP middle-field-3 PL . POS nevertheless NEG - INCOMP -3 SG broad truly ‘even if their field is broad, nevertheless it is still not truly expansive’ The same intent can be achieved through reduplication of the unconjugated predicate followed by koa ‘rather’, thus: molu-molue koa tonga-lere-do, 45 sine na-p-i molue ntu’u REDP -broad rather middle-field-3 PL . POS nevertheless NEG - INCOMP -3 SG broad truly ‘even though their field is broad, nonetheless it is still not truly expansive’ langka-langkai koa Dale, sine langkai-po Poso REDP -big rather Dale nevertheless big- INCOMP Poso ‘even though Dale is indeed large, nevertheless Poso is larger still’ moi-moiko koa i Dunggurio, sine moiko lahi REDP -pretty rather PN Oriole nevertheless pretty exceed i Keli PN Parrot ‘even though Oriole is handsome, Parrot is nevertheless more handsome still’ 44 [from main text, p. 267] Or: imolu-moluepo… 45 [from main text, p. 267] Compare molue koa tonga-leredo… ‘their field is indeed great, but…’. 350 [p. 268] CHAPTER ELEVEN. THE NUMERALS. ——————— CARDINAL NUMBERS. 278. The independent forms of the cardinal numbers are: aasa, orua, otolu, opaa, olima, onoo, opitu, oalu, osio, hopulu 1–10; hopulu ka aasa, hopulu ka orua, etc. 11, 12, etc.; rua pulu, tolu pulu, pato pulu, lima pulu, nomo pulu, pitu pulu, halu pulu, sio pulu 20–90; asa etu, rua etu, tolu etu, pato etu, etc. 100, 200, 300, 400, etc.; asa nsowu, rua nsowu, etc. 1000, 2000, etc.; asa riwu, rua riwu, etc. 10,000, 20,000, etc.. The numbers asa madala, rua madala, asa etu madala, etc. do not denote any particular number; they are used of quantities which are so great that they can no longer be imagined one can still work with sio riwu 90,000, but not with six figure numbers. For an unusually large quantity one can use further expressions such as asa lewe ngkeu, asa ntapu lewe, something like ‘all the leaves there are in the world’, and asa laro meene ‘the atmosphere full’, thus ‘innumerably many’ one can also say rua lewe ngkeu, rua ntapu lewe, etc.. The actual meaning of asa ntapu lewe is presumably ‘a section of leaves, as many leaves as there would go in a section of roof thatch’, because raha tolu tapu etc. is a house of which the long side of the roof is three etc. sections of thatch long the size of a house is thus expressed in the number of layers of roofing material which are required for it. 1 The Molongkuni also say aso ntutu lewe, compare Tinompo asa ntutu horo ‘a section of floor covering, a portion of the floor bordered by one or more walls and one or more lando floor beams’. In Watu the forms are given as aso linewe lewe and aso wawo one the latter meaning ‘as much sand as there is in the world’. With numbers which consist of more than one term, the order is always descending, in other words tens precede units, hundreds precede tens, etc., for example: rua n-sowu ka rua etu ka rua pulu ka orua two LG -1000 and two 100 and two 10 and two ‘two thousand, two hundred twenty-two’ The conjunction ka is never omitted in such cases. Sometimes the full forms of the cardinal numbers are employed in combination with measure words and so- called classifiers, but mostly one uses in this case the shorter forms asa, rua, tolu, pato, lima, nomo, pitu, halu, sio, pulu thus in pulu the entire syllable ho- is omitted, however it does not stand in a line with the o- of orua, etc., rather it originates from sa-, which [p. 269] are compounded with the following word. Above ten one says hopulu ka asa, hopulu ka rua, etc. or else one inserts the substantive between the parts of the numeral, for example: pulu n-ta’u ka aasa ten LG -year and one ‘eleven years’ Also in fast counting the o-onset of the numerals two through nine and the ho- of hopulu fall away, thus: asa rua tolu paa lima noo pitu alu sio pulu. As this series of words is pronounced as one aggregate, there arises of its own accord a bilabial glide -w- between pitu and alu. From pulu one goes back to counting again asa rua … sio pulu ruapulu thus first once again the word for ten, and immediately thereafter that for twenty asa rua, etc. 1 [footnote 1, p. 268] In the Watu dialect tapu means instead ‘extremity, edge, tip’, the same as Tinompo tompa.

279. A cardinal number is usually placed before the word which it modifies, for example: