Very often e has originated from i. Examples are:

e. 36. In general e must be considered as non-original. To be sure, one can cite words such as dede ‘line, row’, Javanese, Malay jejer, in which the e must already be very old, nevertheless one finds a doublet form back in Pamona jijiri, Makasarese jijiri’. The vowel e IS to be considered original in onomatopoetic words and interjections. Examples are:  see-see, sesee, the sound made by sword grass as one moves through it  kere-kere, kekere, a weak, rustling sound, such as when a mouse moves through the rice in a rice barn or between paper  hee, an impolite reaction, when one is called or summoned by someone; also used as the equivalent of our ‘eh?’, ‘what?’  ee, repeated many times to call pigs  bembe, an onomatopoetic word for ‘goat’ Pu’u-mboto, Ampana, Makasarese, Bugis id., Tontemboan membe’  tirioe, a bird, named after the sound which it makes Pamona tirieo

37. Very often e has originated from i. Examples are:

 the prefixes me-, pe-, te-, ke- from mi-, pi-, ti-, ki- 49  towue ‘bamboo piece used for blowing on a fire’, from the stem wui, which in Pamona means ‘blow’  tengke, as in tengke mate ‘death song’, next to tingke ‘round dance with song’ see J. Kruyt 1924:173 ff., 207 ff.  epie and ipie Upper Mori ‘long’ of time  elu-’elu ‘orphan’, Pamona ilu  mopute ‘white’, Malay putih  rere ‘wall’, Malay dinding, Pamona rindi  tesebe or tesibi ‘damaged along the edge’ of plates and the such  Sampalowo peha and Tinompo piho, a kind of small sore  one ‘gravel’, Old Javanese hĕni, Acehnese anòe  wone ‘rice grit, rice waste’, Old Javanese wĕni  monsela Molio’a ‘tear off’ of corn from the cob, compare Pamona sila ‘split, cleave’ The same is true of borrowed words in the stressed syllable, just as in Bugis, e.g. sema’ulu or sima’ulu ‘burden, tax’, oleo menggu or oleo minggu ‘Sunday’. 49 [footnote 1, p. 32] See Adriani 1911:354–355. Compare in addition mi- next to me- in Mamuju Adriani Kruyt 1914:150, and Mandar titeme ‘urinate’, titai ‘defecate’ Adriani Kruyt 1914:158, next to Mori te’eme and teta’i. Where e reflects an original ĕ, one must likewise suppose that it originated via i compare § 40. So for example in:  montele ‘swallow’, Karo Batak tĕlĕn  mompeha ‘break’, Malay pĕcah  monsumbele ‘slaughter by cutting through the neck’, Malay sĕmbĕleh  monsengu ‘prick with the stinger’, Malay sĕngat  mobeta ‘pull down e.g. a house, cut open a path’, Philippine bĕtak Tagalog bitak, Bisaya botak  mapeda ‘give a burning pain’, Malay pĕdas Where e corresponds with Malayo-Polynesian y, this likewise originated via i; examples are:  buaea ‘crocodile’, Malayo-Polynesian buaya  poea, name of a tree, Pamona poya  eosi, name of a tree, Pamona yosi  bantaea, a kind of large hut, Pamona bantaya  soeowu ‘carpenter bee’, Pamona soyowu  kaea ‘rich’, Malay kaya [p. 33]

38. Often e has originated from a. This especially goes for Upper Mori Adriani 1900:295, but various