For the most part the independent pronouns of Set V are also used as particles interjections,

da iao-po do-tepusa, hawe-o-mo io bange be 3 SG - INCOMP 3 PL -withdrawn arrive-3 SG - PERF CN monkey ‘as they left, there came a monkey’ In da iaopo andio and da iaopo nae see § 173, da iaopo has the meaning ‘just’ in the first-mentioned sense. Although what is stated here is indeed the most usual, there is also some overlap. In the meaning ‘only then, only after that’ one can, next to iaopo, nevertheless also use da iaopo or only da iao, thus an expression such as da iaopo isaba oleo can also mean ‘only after the sun had appeared’, etc. Conversely, in the five examples immediately above one could also use iaopo rather than da iaopo. Furthermore, iaopo can also mean ‘then, afterward’, e.g.: i-poko-’umari-o angga-a-no, iao-po i-poturi 3 SG - POTENT -finish-3 SG work- NZR -3 SG . POS 3 SG - INCOMP 3 SG -sleep ‘he finished his work and afterward he slept’ In contrast, da iaopo means only ‘barely, only then, only after that’, thus da iaopo ipoturi ‘only then he went to sleep’.

163. For the most part the independent pronouns of Set V are also used as particles interjections,

64 mostly in their short forms, that is, without o- onset. For example, someone has seen something that he cannot recognize, and informs this to another, who answers: moro io saa mue atuu perhaps CN python 2 SG . INDEP that ‘perhaps that was a python’ Or a number of people outside hear a sound, the cause of which is not known; and someone from the company goes looks, comes back and says: io mia koa m-po-’ala keu ntae or: ngkue CN person just PL - TRI -get wood 1 PLN . INDEP 1 SG . INDEP ‘it is people fetching wood’ Likewise: mia koa m-po-wuno rusa miu atuu person just PL - TRI -throw.at deer 2 PL . INDEP that ‘those are people who are throwing at a deer with lances, for example’ in answer to a question to that effect. [p. 118] These examples illustrate the nature of the contexts in which the pronouns under consideration occur. At the same time it appears from these that the choice of person and number is not indiscriminate, but is determined by the circumstances. In the last example, for instance, it appears from the use of the second person plural pronoun miu that these words are directed at two or more people. In the preceding example the speaker likewise is among those who 64 [footnote 1, p. 117] Compare the use of yaku-nya first person personal pronoun with third person possessive suffix meaning ‘for my part, as far as I am concerned’ and the such in Pamona Adriani 1931:345. Particularly regarding Mori nae, compare the use of the third person personal pronoun sia in Sa’dan Toraja Van der Veen 1924:27. must be brought up to speed, as it were, so that the inclusive ntae can be used. If he were to say ngkue in place of ntae, then the statement would be presented as if he had gone to look especially to satisfy his OWN curiosity. 65 The full forms omue and omiu sometimes also appear as interjections, for example: huu ela 66 omiu, tedei-po i-mo’ai raha n-sikola ho friend 2 PL . INDEP little- INCOMP 3 SG -burn house LG -school ‘whoa, the school house was nearly consumed in flames’ The pronouns mue and miu also occur in combination with the particle ke, which otherwise is the usual interrogative particle. Someone thinks, for example, that a troop of soldiers that spent the previous night in the village are leaving again, upon which another says: Naapo, ke mue ‘Not yet’. In reply to more than one person or to one person, speaking politely Naapo ke miu would then be used. These forms with ke to which ke ntae and ke ngkue can be added serve to add force to the correcting of another’s thinking, e.g.: i Anu ke ntae um-ala-o. PN What’s-his-name INTERROG 1 PLN . INDEP PART -get-3 SG ‘What’s-his-name has taken it not me, for example’ The phrase ke nae also occurs, in the sense of ‘thus, then’, e.g.: da hina-o ke nae still exist-3 SG INTERROG 3 SG . INDEP ‘hey, there is still some then’ as an expression of surprise The pronoun ngkue combines with the particle ma to produce mangkue, a word which can often be rendered as ‘after all, in spite of that’, 67 e.g.: kanandio-mo mangkue ana ba to-monge-monge like.this- PERF after.all child if 1 PLN -stupid ‘that’s how it goes, after all, child, if one is stupid’ sani mpiha mangkue wela koa mong-kaa often continually after.all regularly just PART : TRI -eat ‘otherwise he will keep eating of it anyhow’ Of greatest importance in this connection, however, is nae, which as a particle must be rendered in various ways in our language, as best emerges from a number of examples: Isua-o-mo doi-ku? U-’ala-o-mo nae where-3 SG - PERF money-1 SG . POS 2 SG -get-3 SG - PERF 3 SG . INDEP ‘where has my money gone? You have taken it all to yourself, man’ da hina-o inahu-no ke nae nada? still exist-3 SG vegetable-3 SG . POS INTERROG 3 SG . INDEP 3 SG . ADD ‘are there perhaps more vegetables for him?’ 65 [Postscript, p. 117] Here ntae or nkue could be rendered as ‘thus’ ‘in contrast with the expected’, Minahasan Malay kote’. But this rendering is not possible when these pronouns are used in combination with ke see below. 66 [footnote 1, p. 118] Although originally meaning ‘friend’, ela serves here as an interjection. 67 [Postscript, p. 118] This form mangkue can also be simply strengthening, for example anuku mangkue ‘mine’ in answer to the question of to whom something belongs. This implies that the speaker thinks there are no more vegetables; without nae the sentence loses this meaning. Compare the similar example near the beginning of § 147. nahi ndio 68 raha-mu ke nae andio? NEG be.here house-2 SG . POS INTERROG 3 SG . INDEP this ‘Is this perhaps not your house? I think it is’ 69 isema ke nae aiwa? who INTERROG 3 SG . INDEP come ‘who is it who has come yet again?’ 70 kita-o 71 koa nae mue uai ba see-3 SG just 3 SG . INDEP 2 SG . INDEP younger.sibling if u-lako mo’ito-’ito. 2 SG -go PART :wander ‘take care, you, little brother, if you go roaming about’ mansa-no hawe namia 72 mia andio ka i-kita-o, at.once-3 SG . POS arrive EMPH person this and 3 SG -see-3 SG io rani koa tokoa nae. CN forest.gnome just in.reality 3 SG . INDEP ‘when the man arrived and saw it him, it appears to me to be a forest gnome’ [p. 119] i-m-petii-mo isa’a nae, kita m-pebobatu 2 PL - PL -descend- PERF genuine 3 SG . INDEP 1 PLN . FUT PL -have.sword.fight ‘come down from the house immediately, then shall we enter into a sword fight’ As one can see, nae often occurs in utterances which go paired with a certain expression of feeling calling out and the such, and adds force thereto. It can be used in imperatives, as well as in anger as a simple strengthening particle. It can also be mitigating in the sense of Malay coba ‘try’, for example i Anu nae ‘what’s-his-name’ you must take him, for example, said when the other has expressed a different idea. The expression onae koa nae andio, or simply onae koa nae, is used to make a proposal: onae koa nae andio ongkue mekaria-akita. 3 SG . INDEP just 3 SG . INDEP this 1 SG . INDEP PART :keep.watch- APPL :1 PLN ‘now, I shall indeed keep watch for you us’ onae koa nae andio to-men-sowe 3 SG . INDEP just 3 SG . INDEP this 1 PLN - PL -swim ‘come, now, let us go swim’ On the other hand, the expression onae koa nae andio means in general ‘as far as we are concerned’ in contrast with others. 68 [footnote 3, p. 118] See § 182. 69 [Postscript, p. 118] This can also mean ‘Is this then not your house?’. 70 [Postscript, p. 118] On the other hand, isema ke nae anu aiwa? means ‘who is it that came?’. The meaning ‘yet again’ is expressed by po da’a, thus isemapo da’a anu aiwa? 71 [Postscript, p. 118] Kita-o means ‘watch it, watch out’. 72 [Postscript, p. 118] Namia na mia is an emphatic particle, derived from third person pronoun nae plus mia ‘person’. ontae koa nae andio Kontino, to-pe-pali-palindo 1 PLN . INDEP just 3 SG . INDEP this Kontino 1 PLN - INTR - REDP -play ‘well, Kontino, let us play around together’ in other words, fight Likewise omiu koa nae atuu means ‘as far as you are concerned’, e.g.: omiu koa nae atuu, i-pekule-mo 2 PL . INDEP just 3 SG . INDEP that 2 PL -return- PERF ‘as far as you two are concerned, just go back’ The morpheme nae is linked with ka to become kanae ka nae. It is used when one would impress or instill something upon another, e.g.: ongkue-mo andio ka nae, maama, anu wela 1 SG . INDEP - PERF this and 3 SG . INDEP uncle REL habitually pepahihi-a miu indi’upua wipe.off- NZR 2 PL . POS day.before.yesterday ‘I here and no one else, uncle, am the one whom you were in the habit of wiping off in earlier days’ ndi’ai koa ka nae omami ki-wela m-poturi here just and 3 SG . INDEP 1 PLX . INDEP 1 PLX -regularly PL -sleep ‘we sleep regularly HERE and nowhere else’ 73 For the particle nae the Impo use daeno, the Molongkuni deno or na’a a doublet of da’a, the upland dialects ino or nggida see § 168 and the accompanying table. The morpheme nae can also correspond to our uncertainty word ‘surely’, but it has then another intonation, e.g. u-’ala-o-mo nae 2 SG -get-3 SG - PERF 3 SG . INDEP or u’alaomo naee spoken with a somewhat lengthened ee, ‘surely you took it already’. Of Set IV pronouns, muda and mida occur as interjections, e.g.: ontae i Tonsi nae muda anu me-lako 1 PLN . INDEP PN Tonsi 3 SG . INDEP 2 SG . ADD REL PL -go ‘we you and I and Tonsi are the ones who went’ In colloquial speech, a strained use is made of these interjections. See above with § 156. 164. Forms of the personal pronouns which are known to me from the various dialects are brought together in the following tables. In general these forms amount to the same things as the corresponding forms in Tinompo. However, not in all cases can they be decreed as being sufficiently close in function. Undoubtedly differences occur in the details, which are in part taken up in the notes. The intention of the tables is only this, to make known the FORMS . 73 [from main text, p. 119] Compare Pamona: ire’i-mo se’e kayore mami here- PERF this sleep 1 PLX . POS ‘ HERE is our sleeping place’ T ABLE 2. S ET I AND III P RONOUNS S UFFIXES AND P RONOUNS O CCURRING IN F UTURE F ORMS Tinompo, Moiki, Tiu Impo, Tambee, Molongkuni, etc. Molio’a Karunsi’e Watu 1 SG aku a 2 SG iko, ko 3 SG o i, e, o e, o ta olo b ino c ke 1 PLN kita kito 1 PLX kami kai 2 PL ikomiu, komiu 3 PL ira iro a Concerning Tinompo, Upper Mori ne not encountered in Watu or Karunsi’e, see § 165 b Molongkuni and Impo also have ino; see § 237 c Molio’a also has ino; see § 237 [p. 120] T ABLE 3. S ET II P RONOUNS P OSSESSIVES Tinompo, etc. Karunsi’e Watu Upper Mori 1 SG -ku -nggu 2 SG -mu 3 SG -no 1 PLN -to -ndo 1 PLX mami mai mami 2 PL miu 3 PL -do -ro T ABLE 4. S ET IV P RONOUNS C ONJUGATING P REFIXES Tinompo Tiu Moiki Karunsi’e Watu Upper Mori 1 SG ku- 2 SG u- mu- a mu- b mu- u- e 3 SG i- no- 1 PLN to- 1 PLX ki- 2 PL i- ndi- mi- c mi d mi- i- f 3 PL do- ndo- ro- a after ka ‘so that, and’ also u-. d after ma i-, compare note b b after ma ‘so that, and’ u- e in Padoe also au-, see § 167 c after ka also i-, compare note a f in Padoe also ai-, see § 167 T ABLE 5. S ET V P RONOUNS I NDEPENDENT F ORMS Tinompo Moiki Tiu Padoe Upper Mori Watu Karunsi’e 1 SG ongkue ongkude iaku ainaku 2 SG omue omude iiko ainggo’o 3 SG onae onade ona’e umono iwono aiwono 1 PLN ontae ontade onta’e ikito ainggito 1 PLX omami ikami ainggai ainggami 2 PL omiu ikomiu ainggomiu 3 PL ondae ondade onda’e umboro iworo aihiro Herewith must further be added the third person singular pronouns ho’io and iao and variant forms which are mentioned in § 162. [p. 121] T ABLE 6. S ET VI P RONOUNS I NDEPENDENT F ORMS Tinompo Moiki Tiu Watu a Karunsi’e Padoe Molongkuni Impo Lembobabi Matangkoro Tambee Ulu Uwoi Molio’a 1 SG ngkuda’a ngkuda’a ngkuda angkuhae angkuhae lakuda’a dakuda’a daku dakuda’a kuda’a daku 2 SG muda’a muda’a koda amuhae amuhae lekoda’a dikoda’a, dikida’a b dikoda’a ikoda’a ikoda’a diko 3 SG nada’a nada’a nada anahae, daina? c anahae leda’a denoda’a, denda’a daenoda’a, daada’a da’a, daeno neda’a, haeno d nona’a, aino d dino 1 PLN ntada’a ntada’a ntada antahae antahae lekitoda’a dikitoda’a daikitoda’a ikitoda’a kitoda’a dikito 1 PLX mamida’a mamida’a mamida amai, amahai e amamihae lekamida’a dikamida’a daikamida’a ikamida’a kamida’a dikami 2 PL mida’a mida’a miuda amiu, amihae amiuhae lekomiuda’a dikomiuda’a ikomiuda’a komiuda’a dikomiu 3 PL ndada’a ndada’a ndada arahae arahae le’iroda’a deroda’a daroda’a iworoda’a iworoda’a roda’a diro a concerning the Watu forms without hae, see § 167 b as an interjection, Molongkuni speakers use dida’a shortening of dikida’a where the Tinompo say muda c the form daina is not yet established for Watu; it may indeed occur here, but perhaps not d as far as language usage is concerned, these forms appear to connect up with those of Table 5. What the connection may be between aino and iwono is not yet clear to me e that the Watu first person plural exclusive form is amahai, while hae occurs in all other forms, can be ascribed to the phonological influence of amai [p. 122] I have intended that the forms be received as they were given to me, which however imparts something unsatisfactory about the list, especially where the Upper Mori dialects are concerned. It is inconceivable, for example, that the similar-sounding forms of Tambee and Ulu Uwoi, of which the first in the list have an i at the