Besides preceding stems, te- is also added to verbal nouns, such as in:

Just as in related languages the te- forms whose natures lend themselves thereto especially the past passive participles can also have a potential meaning, especially in connection with a negative word. Some examples hereof are: na-m-i te-to’ori doa-no NEG - PERF -3 SG NON . AG -know number-3 SG . POS ‘their number could be determined no more’ na-m-i te-’ula a n-sa’u NEG - PERF -3 SG NON . AG -load at LG -basket ‘it could no longer go in the basket, it was too big for the basket’ nahi tehine bangka andio me-rodo-rodo-o-mo; NEG long.time boat this PART : INTR - REDP -quiet-3 SG - PERF ka do-me-lelua-o, nahi te-lelu and 3 PL - PL -move-3 SG NEG NON . AG -move ‘after a little while the boat lay still; then they tried to move it, but it was not to be moved’ na-m-i te-patudu palili-do NEG - PERF -3 SG NON . AG -instruct subject-3 PL . POS ‘their subjects were no more to be reproved, they would no longer let themselves be reproved’ nahi te-pongko-’ala NEG NON . AG - POTENT -get ‘it is not to be gotten, not to be gotten hold of’ nahi te-lako NEG NON . AG -go ‘it is not to be gotten from its place’ Compare § 352. The potential meaning of te’ala has already been mentioned above.

339. Besides preceding stems, te- is also added to verbal nouns, such as in:

tepentoro ‘come to sit’ tepoturi ‘come to lie down’, next to tekoturi ‘fall asleep’ tepe’opo or tempe’opo ‘come to lie prone’ also tinti’opo, in which ti-, the older form of te-, apparently occurs tepenganga ‘spontaneously open one’s mouth’ tepentade ‘come to stand’, and ‘able to stand’ It appears that one cannot speak of a fixed formative in Mori as one can in Pamona Adriani 1931:224–225. This does, however, apply to the prefix tepe-, which is added before substantives in the sense of ‘become as, change into that which is denoted by the stem’. Just as in the cases just mentioned above, one must also be dealing here with more recent formations, compare te’ata and other examples in § 338. Nevertheless the origin of this prefix is not entirely clear. It cannot be derived from forms such as those mentioned above tepentoro, tepenganga and the like, so that it must be explained from one of the functions of me-, pe- or mompe-, in the course of which one might consider §§ 318, 321, 323 and 333. Examples are: tepe’awu ‘turned into ash or dust’, [p. 329] also the same as te’awu ‘powdery, fine’ tepemia ‘changed into a person’ tepe’uwoi ‘changed into liquid’ tepe’upe ‘turned into waste’, also the same as ma’upe ‘trampled, crushed, destroyed’ in that sense for example fruit, an insect, rice crops mensa-ro hawe i rodoha mokokato-’o-to lowo koroi-no at.once-3 PL . POS arrive at house itchy-3 SG - PERF all body-3 SG . POS ana-’ana tuama nie, ranta ka no-tepe’ule child-child male this until and 3 SG -become.snake ‘when they had come home, the youth’s entire body became itchy, until he turned into a snake’ [Upper Mori] 340. Concerning the meaning ‘approximately’ which can be characteristic of te- in connection with numerals, see § 290; concerning the function of te- in distributive numerals see § 288. Both functions of te-, which are also encountered elsewhere, are easily explained from the meaning ‘become as…, get as…’ of this prefix. The same applies of another, very significant function which te- can have in Mori, namely that of modal particle, which is spoken of in detail in § 248. It goes without saying that te-forms can also occur as bases for new derivations, but as far as I know this has not occasioned the arising of new prefixes. Thus for example in the form monte’ia ‘tend, watch over’ one cannot speak of a prefix monte- but rather the word is derived from te’ia as in te’ia i raha ‘remain at home all the time, never leave the house’ and is not felt to have originated from monte- and ia. Perhaps there is a prefix mete- encountered in words such as: mete’ema ‘wait’, compare mo’e’ema ‘wait for, await’ mete’ia ‘keep watch, guard a child’ compare however the just-mentioned monte’ia, next to which also occurs mopete’ia metebaba, intransitive next to mobaba ‘carry in a cloth on the back’, compare mebaba § 314 metenunu ‘obedient, docile’ the stem nunu is a doublet of lulu, of which the original meaning is ‘follow’ mete’uu, said of a child who will not leave its mother, stem uu in Tinompo ‘imitate’, in Molongkuni ‘follow’ Perhaps a common element is to be noted in the meanings of these, but it is still not clear what signification mete- should have, and it is then very well possible that these forms should be parsed me- + te-… Examples of ti-, the old form of te-, are indeed to be given also in combination with other elements, but with that the boundaries set out in § 292 should be exceeded see however § 248. The reciprocal prefixes tepo-, mepo- mompo-, mape-, mambe- mombe-. 341. The prefixes tepo-, mepo- and mompo- —concerning their origin, see § 233—are systematically related in the same way that te-, me- and mo- stand next to each other. The first to be treated is tepo-, which of the three is the most often encountered and can be designated the regular reciprocal prefix of Mori, with the understanding that by the nature of things it can only occur if the reciprocal relationship is of an ‘accidental’ nature. [p. 330] That po- belongs with te- and not with that which follows after it appears very clearly from this, that a tepo- can also be followed by nominal stems, and b it is not accompanied by prenasalization of the stem. Examples of this prefix are: tepolalo ‘pass molalo each other’ tepohawe ‘encounter each other, meet together, run into each other’, compare mohawe ‘encounter’ this form could also be derived from intransitive hawe ‘arrive’ tepotowo ‘meet each other’, next to which occur both towo ‘arrive’ and montotowo ‘go to meet’, but not montowo tepodapa ‘advance against each other’, also ‘meet each other’ teporonge ‘able to hear each other’ nahi do-tepo-kita NEG 3 PL - RECIP -see ‘they couldn’t see each other’ onae-mo pu’u-no ka nahi do-n-tepo-kakahani 3 SG . INDEP - PERF basis-3 SG . POS and NEG 3 PL - PL - RECIP -esteem.nice nggapu te tehu cat and rat ‘that’s the reason why cats and rats aren’t willing to acknowledge each other’ teposua ‘divorced from each other’ of married couples tepo’olai ‘be far off from each other’ tepo’ompeda ‘be close by each other’ tepo’aro ‘with the front side towards each other’ tepobungku ‘with backs toward each other’ compare the forms with reduplication mentioned in § 297; next to mo’o’aro however mo’aro also occurs tepokaru ‘with the feet near to each other or adjacent against each other’ tepo’ulu ‘id. with each other’s heads’ For other examples see §§ 229 and 342. 342. The meaning of the infrequently occurring mepo- is the same as that of tepo- except for the ‘accidental’ element in the above-defined sense of this word. Next to the forms mentioned in § 315—metobosi, mesimpi, mesombu, mesumpa—also occur mepotobosi, meposimpi, meposombu and meposumpa. Other examples: mepopangku ‘push against each other’ mostly though one uses tepopangku mepokomu next to tepokomu ‘join up with each other’ meposongka ‘measure one’s selves against each other’ of people who are comparable in height, compare mosongka ‘measure’ Next to forms with mepo- and tepo- stand back again transitives with mompo-, with which the reciprocal meaning naturally makes reference to the object. Examples: momposimpi, momposombu, momposumpa ‘extend with each other’ in the manner described in § 315 mompotobosi, mompo’eu ‘exchange with each other’ mompopangku, mopopangku ‘make push against each other’ mompo’api ‘lay on each other’, compare mo’api ‘stack up, pile up’, from api ‘layer’ ku-po-komu ira kuli meti 1 SG - RECIP -join.up 3 PL shell oyster ‘I closed the oyster shells on each other’ The forms with mepo- and tepo- which are transitive can—without change in form—be associated with a modifier which functions as object, thus: mepo-tobosi or: mepo-’eu ira lemba-do PART : RECIP -exhange 3 PL jacket-3 PL . POS ‘they exchanged their jackets with each other, they changed jackets’ Naturally tepotobosi and tepo’eu can belong with mompotobosi and mompo’eu as accidental passive participle, thus: tepotobosi or tepo’eu lemba mami ‘our jackets accidentally got exchanged with each other’, likewise teposombu iramo ikino ‘their tails accidentally got connected with each other’. [p. 331] The reciprocal forms with mepo- and mompo- must not be confused with the cases treated in § 232, nor with the causatives with mompo- § 303, next to which stand correspondingly intransitive or reflexive forms with mepo-. In some cases there may be doubt whether one has to do with the reciprocal or the causative po-, for example in: mompotonda ‘make follow after each other, make go after each other’ which stands next to mepotonda or metonda ‘go after each other, follow after each other’ just as momposimpi stands next to meposimpi or mesimpi, etc.; mepotonda and metonda also mean just ‘follow’ mompodede ‘set in a row dede, rows’, said only of people, causative next to medede, next to which mepodede also occurs compare Pamona madede, mampadede, mampapodede mompokuku ‘make join to each other’, compare mepokuku, tepokuku ‘join on each other’ of edges or extremities, for example of an armband, which belong with kuku ‘close, narrow, without an opening’ One could say that in these cases po- simultaneously fulfills both functions compare Molongkuni mompokuku ‘stop up, close up’, of chinks, crevices, and the like, provided one keeps in consideration the nature of the root word. The reciprocal forms with mompo- must also not be confused with mompe-derivations such as mompesaru § 333 which straightforwardly correspond with a group of forms with me- and of which the reciprocal meaning makes reference not to the object but to the subject. In both of these cases Pamona uses mampo-. From this form, which cannot be causative, it appears that the above given explanation of mompo- is correct and thus in cases such as momposimpi one need not think of the causative prefix po-. 343. The prefixes mambe- and mombe- are variants of mape-, as mombe- originated from mambe-, which itself goes back to mampe- see Adriani 1931:223. Because the forms mape- and mambe- cannot be anything other than adjectives § 300, it is not surprising that this also applies to mombe-. The meaning of these three prefixes is entirely the same, but mape- and mombe- are not often encountered. Usually one uses mambe-, which however is not as frequently encountered as tepo-. Often it occurs in words which involve the heart, and in poetry tepo- is seldom used in poetry. Examples of mambe-, mombe- and mape- are: mambe’o’alia, mape’o’alia, mombe’o’alia ‘be ill-disposed toward one another’ mambe’olai, mape’olai, mombe’olai, ‘be far from each other’ mostly used in poetry mambe’i’ini ‘hold fast to each other’ mambepengesei ‘weep for each other’ mambekolupe ‘forget each other’ mapetulungi, mapetulu-tulungi ‘help each other’ mambelulu, mombelulu ‘imitate each other’ mambetowoki ‘try to meet each other, go to meet each other’, compare montowoki ‘detain someone who is on their way’ mambesesepi ‘hit each other with a flexible object’ na-mi do-poturi nde mambe-’oliwi ira NEG - PERF :3 SG 3 PL -sleep because RECIP -advise 3 PL ‘they didn’t sleep any more because they had made agreements with each other’ Some of these examples exhibit one or two-syllable reduplication § 109. When these forms are derived from a verb stem which contains the prefix pe-, this prefix is often omitted, for example: mambehohawa, mapehohawa, mombehohawa ‘have pity on each other, feel kindly disposed toward each other’, next to mompehohawa mambekokono ‘be in love with each other’, [p. 332] next to mompekokono mombepesosoo ‘continually feel ill-disposed toward each other, always think about each other in such a manner’, next to mompesosoo Examples of mambe-derivations of transitive verb stems, which do not have the true reciprocal meaning of ‘make each other undergo the action’ § 315 are mamberonge ‘hear from each other’ and mambesaru ‘lend to each other’, for example: me-mambe-ronge ira-mo m-pe-’ungke-’ungke ira-mo, PL - RECIP -hear 3 PL - PERF PL - INTR - REDP -seek 3 PL - PERF ranta ka do-tepo-hawe until and 3 PL - RECIP -encounter ‘they heard each other, and went toward each other to seek each other, until they had found each other’ mambe-saru ira lemba-do RECIP -lend 3 PL jacket-3 PL . POS ‘they lent their jackets to each other’ The reciprocal prefix si-; mompasi-. 344. The well known element si- is, as far as is known to me, still living in Mori only in the combination mompasi-, which has the meaning of ‘unintentionally, accidentally make the object also undergo the action which is expressed by the stem, and which actually directs itself on another object’ compare the forms with mompopo- mentioned in § 309, which do not have the meaning component ‘together with something else’. The compound prefix pasi- mampasi-, etc. also occurs in Pamona in approximately the same meaning, see Adriani 1931:266– 268. Examples of mompasi- forms are: mompasiwawa ‘bring along something accidentally together with something else’ mompasi’inu ‘swallow something else while drinking’ e.g. an insect nahi ku-pokoto’ori-o ku-pasi-’ala-o wunta-do tua NEG 1 SG -think.about-3 SG 1 SG - ACCID -get-3 SG letter-3 PL . POS tuan ‘without realizing it I also took the tuan’s book’ ba i-kaa-no-mo bau andio ka i-pasi-kaa-no mbo’u ipo if 3 SG -eat-3 SG - PERF meat this and 3 SG - ACCID -eat-3 SG still poison andio, nahi tehine maate this NEG long.time die ‘if he eats up that meat and at the same time ingests that poison, in a short while he will die’ In mompasimpewowolo ‘by thinking about something else think of something, by association of thought come to think of something’, the stem exhibits prenasalization, presumably in connection with the fact that pe- is a prefix. The form pasi ‘with, and’ which is usual in the interior Molio’a, etc. can be explained as the prefix pasi- in independent form compare the constructions with adverbs such as wela, amba, etc. which are treated in § 219. The original meaning must then be ‘also, in addition’, compare Tinompo saru ‘also, with’, Pamona pai ‘id.’. That si- is no longer felt to be in its original meaning appears from a form such as teposisala ‘differ from each other, such that the subjects do not go well with each other; be at odds with each other, quarrel’, in which tepo- is actually redundant but nevertheless always appears to be used 35 teposala also occurs, but its connotation is less strong. Other examples are: sibali, the same as teposisala sipada ‘resemble each other in some characteristic’ perhaps from Bugis, stem pada ‘equally, both, all’ sisingge or teposisingge [p. 333] ‘differ from each other but nevertheless bear with each other’ unless it is formed with reduplication, compare § 118; sisingge is also used in the sense of singge ‘otherwise’ The form sintuwu ‘live in good understanding’ has been borrowed from Pamona. Regarding the prefix sa-, see § 282. ko - ngko-, nggo-, ka-, ngka-. 345. The prefix ka-, ko- has already been mentioned in § 214 ff., under the discussion of the origin and meaning of the conjunction ka see also § 247, while in § 216 it was observed that not only does ko- correspond to Tontemboan ka- but also to k -. This latter is the case when ko- occurs in the meanings described in this section which indeed is the most common use of this prefix when it is not accompanied by reduplication of the stem, although not all of these meanings have been reported for Tontemboan. In the meaning ‘just now, with that, as soon as, scarcely…’ ko- is added before nexus substantives of various natures followed by a possessive pronoun, such as appears from the following examples: da ko-hawe-ku still at-arrive-1 SG . POS ‘I have just come’ mia anu ko-hawe-no person REL at-arrive-3 SG . POS ‘someone who has just come’ 35 [footnote 1, p. 332] Except in sisalaa, the same as teposisalaa ‘the point or respect in which people differ’. ko-te’inso-mu isua? at-be.from-2 SG . POS where ‘where have you come from just now?’ da ko-hina-no still at-be.born-3 SG . POS ‘it is just born’ da ko-tuwu-no still at-alive-3 SG . POS ‘id.’, also ‘he has just revived’ from a faint mia ko-m-pekule-do 36 inso m-pominggu person at- PL -return-3 PL . POS from PL -attend.church ‘people who have just come back from church’ ko-pe’ula-do-mo ka do-men-somba at-get.on-3 PL . POS - PERF and 3 PL - PL -sail ‘as soon as they had boarded, they went under sail’ ko-sandu-no ka i-siwu-o at-scoop-3 SG . POS and 3 SG -make.sago.porridge.of-3 SG ‘as soon as it the sago was scooped from the sedimentation tray, he made sago porridge out of it’ ko-’umari-no koa mong-kaa ka i-lako mo’itu-’itu at-finish-3 SG . POS just PART : TRI -eat and 3 SG -go PART :walk.around ‘as soon as he had finished eating, he went walking around’ ko-hawe-no koa ndi ine-no, i-pau-ako-no-mo at-arrive-3 SG . POS just at mother-3 SG . POS 3 SG -speak.- APPL -3 SG - PERF ine-no mother-3 SG . POS ‘as soon as he had come to his mother, he spoke to her’ ko-hawe-no koa i Bange t[um]andapi-o punti at-arrive-3 SG . POS just PN Monkey PART :sit.over-3 SG banana p[in]aho-no PASS :plant-3 SG . POS ‘upon arriving Monkey set himself down above the banana plant which he had planted’ ko-pewangu-do me-’ema-o io keu a m-puu at-stand.up-3 PL . POS PL -ask.for-3 SG CN wood at LG -vicinity raha-no boloki andio house-3 SG . POS old.woman this ‘as soon as they had stood up, they asked for the tree which stood on the premises of the old woman’s house’ These forms can be made more emphatic by reduplicating the stem, for example: kopento-pentoano ‘just at the very moment he had jumped to the ground’ 36 [footnote 1, p. 333] See footnote 1, p. 277. kopeti-petiino ‘exactly when he had come down’ kohawe-haweno ‘at the very same moment he arrived’ Another aspect of the same meaning of ko-, which occurs when the constituent introduced by ko- follows rather than precedes the main clause, is that of ‘together with that, immediately, in connection therewith’, after which then mostly an action or state follows which is more important than the preceding, thus forming a progression therewith. In such cases the head word of the predicate also occurs as a nexus-substantive, followed by the subject in the form of a possessive [p. 334] pronoun. The existence of a preceding sentence constituent is not necessary. Examples: aku lako mo-’ala pakuli, ko-lako-ku mo-’oli ohia 1 SG . FUT go PART : TRI -get medicine at-go-1 SG . POS PART : TRI -buy salt ‘I’m going to get medicine, and after that directly to buy salt’ ko-lako-mu isua atuu? ko-lako-ku i Dale at-go-2 SG . POS where that at-go-1 SG . POS to Dale ‘where do you go next?’ thus after first having to do something else ‘to Dale’ mokokoseo aku, ko-lako-ku-mo mahaki shiver 1 SG at-go-1 SG . POS - PERF sick ‘I got cold shivers, and thereafter I got sick’ ‘...went over to being sick’ as it were aku lako i tonga-lere, ko-poturi-ku ira’ai 1 SG . FUT go to middle-field at-sleep-1 SG . POS over.there ‘I’m going to the field and will remain there sleeping after first having to do what I must do there’ aiwa me-singge-raha ko-po’ia-no-mo arrive PART : INTR -other-house at-live-3 SG . POS - PERF ‘he came to visit and ended up staying he established himself at that place’ or ‘he came visiting and stayed on did not want to leave’ In some cases ko- has the meaning ‘all the time, throughout’, which connects back with what we have just seen; thus for example in: ko-lako-ku-mo morungku at-go-1 SG . POS - PERF thin ‘I am just gaunt all the time’ namely after first having become gaunt ko-morungku-ku-mo at-thin-1 SG . POS - PERF ‘id.’ onae-mo ka do-pe’u’ua, ko-lako-do-mo teposisala 3 SG . INDEP - PERF and 3 PL -quarrel at-go-3 PL . POS - PERF be.at.odds ‘then they got into a quarrel, and lived ever after in contention with each other’ ko-lako-no-mo at-go-3 SG . POS - PERF ‘he is always going off’ l[um]ako ng-ko-lako-no PART :go LG -at-go-3 SG . POS ‘id.’ l[um]aki uwoi, ko-lako-no-mo PART :go:to water at-go-3 SG . POS - PERF ‘he went to the water and never more came back’ The meaning ‘all the time, forever’ which ko- has in these examples is connected with the nature of the stem and is thus not characteristic of ko- in general. Both sentence constituents may be introduced by ko- in correlative use, in order to fully stress the simultaneity of the two events, for example: ko-hawe-no-mo ko-poturi-no-mo at-arrive-3 SG . POS - PERF at-sleep-3 SG . POS - PERF ‘as soon as he arrived, he immediately went to sleep’ ko-motaha-no ko-kaa-no at-ready-3 SG . POS at-eat-3 SG . POS ‘as soon as it was ready, at once it was eaten up’ ko-mate-no ko-tano-no at-dead-3 SG . POS at-bury-3 SG . POS ‘as soon as he was dead, he was buried’ No reduplication can occur with these constructions. 346. When ko- is followed by a prenasalized nexus-substantive and a possessive pronoun, it implies ‘at the stage, or finding oneself in the state, at which one does or becomes what is expressed by the stem’. Just as in the cases treated above, when used predicatively the subject can only be expressed by the attached possessive pronoun, while when used attributively it remains untranslated in English. In these forms ko- corresponds to Tontemboan ka- see Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:101–102. Examples: mia kon-te’ili-no 37 person at.stage.of-develop-3 SG . POS ‘someone who is in a growth period’ nana’ote kom-pe’opo-no 38 child at.stage.of-lie.prone-3 SG . POS ‘a child who is at the stage of lying on the belly’ ka i-poboi ira ana beine anu da and 3 SG -call 3 PL child female REL still kon-te’ahu-do ka do-’aiwa m-po’uo-o at.stage.of-sufficient.in.measure-3 PL . POS and 3 PL -come PL -breastfeed-3 SG ‘then he let the young women come who were still marriageable in order to come suckle it’ [p. 335] ko-motaha-no wua lansa at.stage.of-ripe-3 SG . POS fruit langsat ‘the langsat fruits are at the stage of being ripe’ 37 [from main text, p. 334] Compare kinaa kote’ilino ‘rice which is just beginning to expand during cooking’, without prenasalization. 38 [from main text, p. 334] Compare kope’opono mengese ‘as soon as he laid down on his belly he cried’, without prenasalization. kon-te’ahu-no-mo mangalitau, at.stage.of-sufficient.in.measure-3 SG . POS - PERF youth kon-te’ahu-no ana beine at.stage.of-sufficient.in.measure-3 SG . POS child female ‘the young people, the young girls are at present at the stage, are of age to be married there are thus many young people who have reached this age’, or ‘the young people, etc. have just come to that stage’ 39 Prenasalization is omitted in benu koseduno ‘coconuts which are at the stage that they are sedu’, that is to say so old that when one shakes monsedu them, the water inside is heard sloshing sedu. See also § 349. 347. A common construction compare Adriani 1931:201–202 is that in which ko- is placed before a stem with reduplication, which stem in Mori exhibits prenasalization only in exceptional circumstances. The meaning in general is ‘continually, all the while doing that which or being in the state which is denoted by the stem’, or only ‘during a certain time being in a particular condition’, also as well ‘more or less perform the activity, without giving it proper consideration, without it having utility, etc.’. Examples are: kokora-kora ‘shout the war cry kumora continually’ kongese-ngese ‘cry mengese all the time’, also ‘feign crying’ the same as mompengese-ngese kogoo-goo ‘burping tegoo all the time’ ko’usa-’usa ‘raining all the time’ komaha-mahaki ‘sick all the time’ kongai-ngai ‘always chewing, be chewing’ ko’ia-’ia ‘remain sitting still without speaking’ kolako-lako ‘go continually, be going, continually go, just go without utility or purpose’ 40 kolambe-lambe ‘naked’ kohali-hali ‘surprised’ For both of these last two words, there is no other form based on the same stem in a related meaning, so that here the peculiar character of the derivation with ko- and reduplication has been lost. Further examples: kopau-pau ‘speak all the time, more or less speak, speak that which has no usefulness’ kosike-sikeno ‘more or less question’ for example an unknown, even if one just does this one time, also ‘ask impolite or improper questions’ ko’ala-’ala said of someone who takes away that which doesn’t belong to him whether repeatedly or only once kope’u-pe’umbu ‘set oneself forth repeatedly as the owner of something’; compare § 330 39 [from main text, p. 335] This last is properly kote’ahunomo mangalitau, etc., but the form with prenasalization is also used in this case in the meaning of that with ko- only. 40 [from main text, p. 335] Compare mongkaa ngkolako-lako ‘go eating, eat while walking’ kokombe-kombe said of someone who gives no consideration to people or circumstances when he has something in his head, ‘speak or act impolitely’ i-hawe-o-mo nana’ote andio kimbohu ko-’opo-’opo 3 SG -encounter-3 SG - PERF child this monitor DIFFUSE - REDP -lie.prone a wiwi ng-korono at edge LG -river ‘the youth encountered a monitor lizard who was lying around on his stomach along the river bank’ u-ko-’aro-’aroa ke nahi ku-kita-ko 2 SG - DIFFUSE - REDP -think if NEG 1 SG -see-2 SG ‘did you think sometimes that I didn’t see you?’ That prenasalization occurs in kontade-tade ‘standing’ and kontoro-toro ‘sitting’ is connected to the fact that [p. 336] prenasalization is also encountered in mentade ‘stand, stand up’ and mentoro ‘sit, sit down’. In konsui-nsui ‘give out a sound all the time’, the second element also has prenasalization compare Molongkuni tensui ‘answer’. The forms ngko-, ka- and ngka- also occur in this function of ko- the prenasalization has a plural force; compare §§ 307 and 327, such as in: ka’iti-’iti, ngka’iti-’iti, ngko’iti-’iti, the same as ko’iti-’iti ‘drip all the time’ kandue-ndue, ngkandue-ndue, kondue-ndue, ngkondue-ndue ‘hang flaccidly’ all the time, the same as mpandue-ndue kandoe-ndoe, ngkandoe-ndoe, kondoe-ndoe, ngkondoe-ndoe ‘hanging’, next to mpandoe-ndoe ngkoturi-turi, the same as koturi-turi ‘lie sleeping, sleep all along’ ngkawaa-waa less often ko-, ngko-, kawaa-waa ‘continually just flowing’ ngkalami-lami ‘move the mouth as if eating’ but new derivations of this nature are no longer made. Voicing of ngk occurs in poetic forms, such as in tuwu nggolai-lai ‘alone, isolated’, such as a tree in a field, or young people who are unmarried, even though all of their peers are already married; the usual is kolai-lai or tuwu kolai-lai. The word kongko connects up with this function of ko-. The form kongko can be explained as reduplication of ko- and has the meaning ‘remain, remaining, still, always be’, in the last case constructed with a possessive suffix see § 148, for example: butu-mo koa totoka anu otolu ira andio kongko molike only- PERF just guest REL three 3 PL this remain awake ‘only just three guests still remain awake’ ba i-kongko ana-no oleo if 3 SG -remain child-3 SG . POS sun ‘if the children of the sun remain existing’ anu da koongko ngisi-no REL still remain tooth-3 SG . POS ‘who still had teeth’ kongko-no ngko-turi-turi remain-3 SG . POS DIFFUSE - REDP -sleep ‘he still yet lies sleeping’ kongko-ku mahaki remain-1 SG . POS sick ‘I am still sick’ kongko aku mahaki remain 1 SG sick ‘I am sick all the time’ ba kongko-mu mahaki if remain-2 SG . POS sick ‘if you are still sick’ ba u-kongko mahaki 41 if 2 SG -remain sick ‘if you are always, continually sick’ ba kongko-no mahaki-mu 42 if remain-3 SG . POS sick-2 SG . POS ‘if you still have pain’ mia atuu kongko-do i raha person that remain-3 PL . POS at home ‘those people continually remain at home, they are always home’ ba i-kongko-mu if 3 SG -remain-2 SG . POS ‘if you were always here’ The stem kongko also means ‘with … and all, together with’, for example: kongko lemba with jacket ‘with jacket and all, with a jacket on’ wawa-akune kongko pu’u bring- APPL :1 SG with base ‘bring me it with the lowermost portion on it’ This meaning connects up with the meaning of ko- mentioned below in § 350; see also § 353. In Upper Mori, kongko occurs in the sense of ‘terribly, very’; it thus is placed after the word which it modifies. 348. The prefix ko- placed before a reduplicated nexus substantive, followed by a possessive pronoun, indicates that the longer the elapsed time the more the subject expressed by the possessive pronoun exhibits the characteristic, comes to be in the condition, etc. which is expressed by the stem, 43 for example: ko-maha-mahaki-ku PROPORTN - REDP -sick-1 SG . POS ‘the longer the more sick I became’ 41 [from main text, p. 336] Also ba ikongkomu mahaki in the same meaning. 42 [from main text, p. 336] Compare ba ikongkono mahakimu ‘if you always have pain, if you are still sick at present’. 43 [footnote 1, p. 336] Compare these Mori forms to the Tontemboan forms with maka- Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:107–108, and the Pamona forms with kako- and reduplication Adriani 1931:243–245. ko-maha-mahaki-no PROPORTN