As far as the vetitive in the dialects is concerned, the following deserves mentioning.

and etc. 21 A weakened form of siipo can be formed via reduplication compare § 119, thus sii-siipo ‘wait yet a little bit, in the blink of an eye’. Also sipopo is said. Concerning iindo, see § 241. Rarely the negative particles naamo ‘no more’, naapo ‘not yet’ and naahi ‘not’ are used in vetitive clauses, e.g.: naa-mo da ari pong-kaa NEG - PERF INTENS first TRI -eat ‘eat no more for now’ The form sii possibly has a connection with Pamona njii ‘still’, etc. see § 30. It can, however, simply be an interjection. The same applies to iindo; compare Bugis, Makasarese edo’ ‘for shame’.

241. As far as the vetitive in the dialects is concerned, the following deserves mentioning.

The Upper Mori have iindo as a vetitive particle, which is also used in Tinompo, and which perhaps is common Mori, although Tinompo and Watu use it only as a self-standing form. In Upper Mori it can become indo in conjunction with a following word, e.g.: indo pepau NEG . IMPV speak ‘don’t speak’ [Impo, Molongkuni] The i of indo can also be omitted through apheresis or assimilation into a preceding word, while the o can assimilate to, or be assimilated into, a following vowel, so that sometimes only the nd remains. For example: nd-i m-pogero NEG . IMPV -2 PL PL -make.commotion ‘make no noise’ [Padoe] ka-ndu u-pe’iwi so.that- NEG . IMPV 2 SG -weep ‘so that you not weep’ [Molongkuni] ka-nd-u pepau so.that- NEG . IMPV -2 SG speak ‘so that you not speak’, or ‘speak not’ 22 [Molongkuni, Impo] 21 [footnote 1, p. 210] Also siimo mbo’u independent or si … mbo’u means ‘not any more’ vetitive, but these expressions are stronger in meaning than siimo, simo… because they, in keeping with the meaning of mbo’u ‘also, back, again, a second time’, can indicate that the action may not be begun again, but not that it must be stopped, e.g.: si pong-kaa mbo’u NEG . IMPV TRI -eat again ‘eat no more don’t go eat again’ si poturi mbo’u NEG . IMPV sleep again ‘don’t go back to sleep’ The constructions si da…, si komba da… or si da komba… compare § 266, also have the same meaning, e.g.: si komba da pongkaa, si da komba pongkaa. For ‘not yet, just wait’, one can also use aripo or aripo ari. ka-nd-i koa pepate kami so.that- NEG . IMPV -2 PL just kill 1 PLX ‘so that you two not kill us’, or ‘kill us not’ [Molongkuni, Impo] [p. 211] nd-u-ka indo + u + koa pepau NEG . IMPV -2 SG -just speak ‘speak not’ [Molongkuni, Impo] From the last two examples, it appears that, unlike in Tinompo, the conjugating prefix can occur BEFORE koa, without this meanwhile having any influence on the form of the verb which follows, compare § 238 versus § 219. This construction with ka = koa is not always used, however; one can also say: ka-ndo koa i-pepate kami so.that- NEG . IMPV just 2 PL -kill 1 PLX and the like. Also forms such as indika upepau Molio’a ndika upepa’u, ndiko upepa’u, ndika uleko further shortened to kaleko are also reported. The i of the first syllable can be that of indo, compare Tinompo si. This construction is also possible with to and po, for example: ka nd-u-to pe’iwi so.that NEG . IMPV -2 SG - PERF weep ‘so that you cry no more’, ‘cry no more’, but also ‘so that you don’t cry’, ‘don’t cry’ see § 240 [Molongkuni, Impo] ka ndo-to u-pe’iwi so.that NEG . IMPV - PERF 2 SG -weep ‘id.’ [Molongkuni, Impo] nd-u-to pe’iwi NEG . IMPV -2 SG - PERF weep ‘don’t cry anymore’ [Molongkuni, Impo] indo-to u-pe’iwi NEG . IMPV - PERF 2 SG -weep ‘id.’ [Molongkuni, Impo] nd-u-po leko NEG . IMPV -2 SG - INCOMP go ‘don’t go yet’ [Molongkuni, Impo] indo-po u-leko NEG . IMPV - INCOMP 2 SG -go ‘id.’ [Molongkuni, Impo] ka nd-u-po pongee so.that NEG . IMPV -2 SG - INCOMP say ‘say nothing of it yet’ [Molongkuni, Impo] ka ndo-po u-pongee so.that NEG . IMPV - INCOMP 2 SG -say ‘id.’ [Molongkuni, Impo] 22 [footnote 2, p. 210] The rule given previously in § 240 concerning the use of the forms with ka and the vetitive does not extend to the dialects. Constructions with kandu or kandi but not those with kando, kandu u- or kando i- can have, in Upper Mori, the meaning of a regular vetitive. ka-ndo no-to pepau so.that- NEG . IMPV 3 SG - PERF speak ‘so that he speaks no more’ [Molongkuni, Impo] Because mostly sentences with third person singular subjects are encountered, it is not surprising that the above- mentioned phrasing of Impo and Molongkuni can also be constructed with no- ‘3 SG ’ as a fixed constituent of the first part of the clause, whereupon then the indication of the verbal subject, if it is first or second person, or third person dual or plural, follows on the verb. For example: ka-ndo no-koa i-pepate kami so.that- NEG . IMPV 3 SG -just 2 PL -kill 1 PLX ‘so that it not be that you two kill us’ [Molongkuni, Impo] ka-ndo no-koa u-pe’iwi so.that- NEG . IMPV 3 SG -just 2 SG -weep ‘so that you not cry’ [Molongkuni, Impo] ka-ndo no-to u-pe’iwi so.that- NEG . IMPV 3 SG - PERF 2 SG -cry ‘so that you cry no more’ [Molongkuni, Impo] Perhaps it would be better to write these as: ka ndono koa…, ka ndonoto…, and ka ndonopo…, because in such cases no is no longer felt to have its proper meaning, any more than na in Pamona naka ‘so that’ Adriani 1931:403, with the result then that sentences with a third person singular subject can also be constructed in the same way, that is, with no- twice, e.g.: ka-ndo no-koa no-pepau 23 so.that- NEG . IMPV 3 SG -just 3 SG -speak ‘so that he not speak’ [Molongkuni, Impo] ka-ndo no-po no-leko so.that- NEG . IMPV 3 SG - INCOMP 3 SG -go ‘so that he doesn’t go yet’ [Molongkuni, Impo] The matter is further complicated by the fact that ndo is sometimes articulatorily reduced to no, e.g.: ka-n-u pepau = kandu pepau so.that- NEG . IMPV -2 SG speak ‘so that you not speak’ or ‘speak not’ [Molongkuni, Impo] ka-no no-pepau = kando nopepau so.that- NEG . IMPV 3 SG -speak ‘so that he not speak’ [Molongkuni, Impo] ka-no no-koa pepau = kando nokoa pepau so.that- NEG . IMPV 3 SG -just speak ‘so that he not speak’ [Molongkuni, Impo] ka-no koa no-pepau = kando koa nopepau so.that- NEG . IMPV just 3 SG -speak ‘so that he not speak’ [Molongkuni, Impo] 23 [from main text, p. 211] This can also be expressed with no- occurring only once, e.g.: kando nokoa pepau or kando koa nopepau. This last can be further simplified to kano koa pepau through omission of the second no, rightly to be distinguished from ka no-pepau NEG 3 SG -speak 24 or ka-no no-pepau NEG -3 SG 3 SG -speak ‘he doesn’t speak’ see § 263. That these and similar forms 25 make a tangled impression can hardly be denied, but one must remember that the vetitive character of the clause can be identified based on various grounds, for example by the occurrence of koa, a particle which by virtue of its [p. 212] meaning usually does not occur in negative contexts other than the vetitive, see § 244. Likewise: ka no-lo koa leko so.that NEG . IMPV - FUT just go ‘so that he should not go’ with the future marker lo must be distinguished from: ka no-lo l[um]eko NEG 3 SG - FUT PART :go ‘he will not go’ Compare § 237. For Tinompo siimo, the Upper Mori use hooto, which can also occur after ka. Hooto is a contraction of ho’ioto or hoioto see § 162 and thus actually means ‘let it be that’, ‘let it therewith remain’, just as Tinompo onaemo or onaemo ari is once in a while used in this meaning for example to someone who pours for another, thus something like ‘enough’. Also when ho’io hoio has its proper pronominal meaning, ho’ioto or hoioto are also contracted to hooto, while the long forms are also sometimes heard in the vetitive ho’ioto, hoioto. Next to ho’io Tambee also has the form hia’o, which thus stands between Upper Mori ho’io and Tinompo iao § 162, but which appears to occur only in vetitive meaning hia’oto. In this dialect, then, speakers potentially use three forms for the vetitive, ho’ioto, hia’oto and hooto. Next to hooto stands hoopo Padoe oopo, which does not have the meaning of Tinompo siipo but rather that of Tinompo amba ‘only, recently, just’: hopo ku-hawe near.past 1 SG -arrive ‘I have just now come’ hoopo ku-tutulu-ake-o near.past 1 SG -tell- APPL -3 SG ‘and then, and thereupon I told him it’ hopo nuu’o ku-pong-gito near.past this 1 SG - TRI -see ‘just now, now for the first time I see one’ [Molio’a] and as a vetitive that of ‘let it be enough’ often with ari as in hoopo ari ‘let it be enough for now’, compare Pamona ganapa riunya; in the same meaning one can also say hooto ari. The full form ho’iopo ho’iopo ari is not encountered. The Upper Mori equivalent of siipo is indopo. In addition, aipo also occurs, which must be linked with the negative particle aio see § 263. When this aipo constitutes a part of Molongkuni ndaipo ari the equivalent of Tinompo siipo ari, one need not think here of a pleonasm, because the ai of aipo has probably originated from tai 24 [footnote 1, p. 212] The construction ka no-pepau can also be interpreted as so.that 3 SG -speak ‘so that he speaks’ see §§ 214 ff.. Although koa can also occur in this case, it has a different position than in the corresponding vetitive construction, namely after the verb: ka nopepau koa. 25 [footnote 1, p. 211] For example ka nono kuleko for ka ndono kuleko ‘so that I go no more’, because apart from the vetitive ndo there is also a word ndo or ando which means ‘not any more’; see § 265. see § 264, 26 and thus ndaipo thus might very well stand for taipo, with prenasalization and voicing. This prenasalization can have a strengthening force, compare Adriani 1931:342, Malay and Jakarta Malay ngga’ ‘not’ next to kaga’, etc. Compare also Lembobabi and Matangkoro aambo ari next to po ari ari, and Molio’a ambolahari in the sense of Tinompo siipo ari. 27 Next to ambolahari, Molio’a speakers also use hari ari, compare Bungku aripo and aripo ari. Hariari or ari-’ari also occurs in other Upper Mori dialects. [p. 213] Next to indopo one might also expect the form indoto, but this appears not to occur, at least in the better known Upper Mori dialects hooto is the usual form. One does have ka ndoto discussed previously in this section, while the form indomo is found in Karunsi’e and Padoe. If aipo indeed originally had no vetitive force, then it is very