That which was said by Dr. Adriani in 1914 concerning the relationship of the

with an Upper Mori population, 21 whom they superseded and in whose land they themselves settled, but with whom at the same time they themselves intermingled by adopting their language. What their original language might have been must constitute a further investigation. Probably they used to speak a Lalaki or Mekongga dialect, or a closely related idiom, because these mutually very closely related languages likewise belong to the Bungku-Mori group, lying geographically closest in the neighborhood and to name just one point of similarity are likewise missing the prenasalized s cf. also § 26. 8. The grammatical differences between the dialects are especially to be found in the area of the pronouns. This subject is treated at very great length in Chapter 4. Also a few things shall be added concerning the other points of difference in the area of grammar. 22 Nevertheless, as for what shall be said in this book about the dialects, I make the least possible claim to completeness, and it must entirely be considered an ‘extra’. I very much hope that it shall be, in combination [p. 7] with that which shall be said below about the sound system, sufficient to justify the proposed classification. Speaking generally, Upper Mori has been affected by sound change in stronger measure than the other dialects. To name just the principle points of difference: the tendency toward voicing of prenasalized stops is very much stronger in Upper Mori, in more cases a has changed into o or e, and the t into s than in Tinompo, Watu-Karunsi’e and the other Lower Mori dialects. 23 Some verb stems in Upper Mori even have different forms when they are combined with certain affixes, something which is not encountered in Tinompo. So one can be certain that he is dealing with an Upper Mori dialect when one encounters next to each other the forms monggaa ‘eat’, kumaango ‘eat it’, mo’alo ‘take’, umaleo ‘take it’, mowawo ‘bring’, waweo ‘bring it’, monggito ‘see’, kumiteo ‘see it’ from the stems which in Tinompo are respectively kaa, ala, wawa and kita. 24 Some words in Upper Mori have a more old-fashioned form than in the other dialects, e.g. mosa’a ‘ugly, bad’, Tinompo mosa’o, Malay jahat; monta’a ‘set traps and the such, Tinompo monta’o, Malay tahan, and the words which in Upper Mori end in -ui but in Tinompo and elsewhere end in -i see § 41, but these cases are to be considered the exceptions which prove the given rule. On the whole the words in Watu and Karunsi’e have the same form as in the mokole dialect. The latter however is more conservative than the former two and thus is the least decayed of all Mori dialects. The difference concerns primarily the vowel a, which has become o less often e in a greater number of cases in Watu-Karunsi’e than in Tinompo, etc., for example Watu, Karunsi’e, Upper Mori aaso, Tinompo aasa ‘one’; Watu, Karunsi’e, Upper Mori oruo, Tinompo orua ‘two’; Watu, Karunsi’e, Upper Mori iro third person plural personal pronoun, Tinompo ira, etc. So also in Watu-Karunsi’e one finds mo’alo ‘take’ next to Watu umale’e, Karunsi’e umalee ‘take it’, and mowawo ‘bring’ next to Watu wawe’e, Karunsi’e wawee ‘bring it’, where Tinompo has respectively mo’ala and umalao, mowawa and wawao. Although there are yet more features to be cited in which Watu-Karunsi’e and Upper Mori correspond with each other in contrast to the mokole dialect, nevertheless one can say that the latter stands in between the former two. My provisional impression is that in respect to the grammar and lexicon the mokole dialect stands somewhat closer to Upper Mori than it does to Watu and Karunsi’e, but the data on which this impression rests are too little to be able to speak with certainty. The vocabulary of the Watu and Karunsi’e dialects approaches that of Bungku, which corresponds with the geographical layout. Provisionally Bungku must remain considered a separate, though closely related, sister language.

9. That which was said by Dr. Adriani in 1914 concerning the relationship of the

[p. 8] Bungku and Mori languages to Pamona Adriani Kruyt 1914:87, 90, has been corroborated by research conducted up until the present time: however great the similarity between Bungku-Mori and Pamona may be, nevertheless on the one hand their points of difference with Pamona, and on the other hand their points of similarity with Loinan and its close relations, are of the nature that the language border which divides Pamona from Mori must be deemed very considerable. On this basis, among other things, Dr. Adriani develops the following theory: By its relationship with Bobongko on the Togian Islands and Gorontalo, the Loinan language points to a southward migration of the inhabitants of the north half of the northern peninsula, which divided near present-day Gorontalo: the Loinan branch proceeded via the Togian islands to the further shore east of Tanjung Api, spreading therefrom to the east Balantak and to the south Bungku, while another branch 21 [footnote 2, p. 6] Perhaps the To Weula J. Kruyt 1924:68, 35 22 [footnote 3, p. 6] See especially the numerals and the negative particles in Chapters 10 and 11. 23 [footnote 1, p. 7] For examples see Chapter 1 and Adriani 1900. 24 [Postscript, p. 7] The Nuha dialect exhibits certain differences with Tinompo which are of the same nature as mentioned here concerning Upper Mori. Note for example mombeweu Tinompo moweweu ‘make’, from stem weweu; mondongo Tinompo montembi ‘carry on the back’, next to kurongoo ‘I carry it on my back’; mompombee Tinompo mompowee ‘give’, from stem wee; etc. Confer § 19. proceeded to the west and then to the south, and then south of the equator a further branch separated back in an easterly direction. So one may consider that Pamona, as the most eastern extension of this last- named side flow, was arrested up against Loinan. Adriani 1914:89 And one can add to this last statement: “…and further to the south, against Mori”. The Mori and Kaili-Pamona language groups thus make up portions of two different language complexes, which have their common point of origin in the Philippine languages. With that, however, not everything has yet been said. It applies to the western just as to the eastern language complexes that, the more southerly one goes, the more the Philippine features recede, and are replaced by phenomena which are characteristic to Buginese and its relatives. This points to an influence of languages of the Buginese type on Pamona and its relatives just as on Mori cum suis, to which a number of points of similarity between these two language groups are to be ascribed. Completely in keeping with this theory, however, it appears that this influence was stronger on the Kaili-Pamona languages than on Mori. The vocabulary of the latter appears more similar with Loinan and the Minahasan languages than that of Pamona. And in grammatical respects it is, among other things, the existence of the prefix moko-, mompoko- in potential meaning, the still productive infixes -in- and -um- and suffix -a IN -an, and the absence of palatals in Mori as opposed to Pamona, which indicate that the former is more closely related to the Philippine languages than is the latter. 25 [p. 9]

10. The intention of this book is to give a description of the grammatical features