Mori has no palatals.

In this last form the R-L-D sound occurred finally, and so in any case must have been lost in Mori. We thus do not know with certainty to which category tuu actually belongs. Nevertheless, one can say that an older tuuy most likely should have become tui or something similar; compare § 41. 118 The following examples have l:  halo ‘charcoal’, Javanese arĕng, Toba Batak agong, Pamona ayo  elo ‘tongue’, Pamona jila, Malay lidah, Bisaya, Sangirese dila 119 A d is found in sodo ‘species of ant’, Parigi soyo, Nias sichö, Minahasan s ĕrĕm, Bisaya solom, Gayo sidöm, etc. Finally, nd must be mentioned in andi Upper Mori, Watu-Karunsi’e ‘younger brother or sister’, compare uai above. The form with nd naturally arising from a prenasalization of r—which is also encountered in other languages Dayak, Makasarese andi, Bugis anri, next to ari—connects up with Group A § 100. For Group B examples which exhibit r in Mori, see footnote 104. 102. Where s occurs, this goes back to j. The cases are mentioned in § 69. Conant 1915:10 reckons these to his Non-G-type, but one could better place them outside both types. The same applies of the two-syllable prefixes in Mori of which the second syllable begins with r or l tara-, tala-, moro-, polo-, etc.; see § 355 ff. 103. As is obvious, in a considerable number of cases in Mori the original guttural R-G-H sound and the original palatal R-L-D sound became one and the same r sound. Standing next to r as principle reflex of the R-L-D sound is y, which probably originated from l. This y, however, was not preserved, but was eliminated in various ways compare § 104. Of less importance are l and d which appear with forms of both Group A and Group B, and the s which originates from an old j. [p. 69] The palatals.

104. Mori has no palatals.

120 How c, j, and ny of related languages and of borrowed words are represented in Mori has already emerged in §§ 53, 61, 65, 66, 69 ff. and 85. As far as y is concerned, in the first place this sound can be vocalized as i. As a rule, this i remains preserved following o, e.g. uwoi ‘water’, laloi Upper Mori ‘fly’, puhoi Upper Mori ‘navel’, etc. Compare, however, forms such as soeowu ‘carpenter bee’ for soyowu, poea ‘kind of tree’ for poya § 37, where i has changed into e. 121 For a portion, the i originating from y contracted with a preceding or following a into e see § 39; many examples are also to be found in §§ 91 and 101. 122 Next to these, however, one finds cases in which no contraction has taken place, rather i has become e, e.g. buaea ‘crocodile’, bantaea ‘kind of large hut’, kaea ‘rich’, etc. see § 37. 118 [footnote 1, p. 68] In all likelihood, Upper Mori olutu is to be distinguished from olontuu, and identified with Malay lutut leaving aside for the present the question of whether there does exist some connection between this and the first-mentioned word for ‘knee’. 119 [footnote 2, p. 68] For ‘lick’ Mori has monsile’i. Perhaps this hangs together with tensila ‘ablaze’ of fire, although monsila means ‘warm above or beside the flame’. Compare Brandes 1884:19. 120 [Postscript, p. 69] A y might be said to occur in interjections, e.g. yaa alternatively iaa, without any initial glottal stop, see § 79, used to frighten someone. 121 [Postscript, p. 69] In soeowu, etc. one could think of the e as originating directly from y. In Mori maláiu ‘Malay’ the i borders on e. 122 [Postscript, p. 69] Likewise in the examples mentioned in §§ 91 and 101, the e could also directly or indirectly originate from ĕy in any case, not from ay. See with § 35. Likewise in many cases uy became i via ui, but there are also a number of words in which ui remains preserved; see § 41, where the origin of i from yu is also discussed. Just as in Pamona, y elided in Mori before or after an e or i, or rather was replaced by a glide sound of the same quality. So for example in opia ‘how many’ for opiya; uai ‘younger brother or sister’ for tuayi see §§ 61 and 101; rui ‘thorn’ for ruyi § 92 α; pae ‘field rice, unpestled rice’ for paye § 101, etc. A y was lost in other positions as well, for example in Upper Mori kau ‘wood’, Malay kayu, for which Tinompo and Watu have keu. An original l sometimes developed into a y in Pamona this development is very common, which y naturally could not remain preserved. So in eosi ‘kind of tree’, Pamona yosi, Tontemboan lo’sip, lausip, and also probably in a number of examples of the R-L-D law see § 103. A y has also sometimes been omitted in borrowed words, e.g. in pau for payung ‘umbrella, parasol’ mostly people say sau pau, where sau means ‘sun hat’, and in Padoe mobara ‘pay’, which appears to go back to Makasarese bayara’ or a similar form in some other language. It is also replaced by i, as in iari ‘yard’, malaiu ‘Malay’. Schwa.

105. As has already emerged in §§ 35, 37, 40, 44 and 48, IN