ang, ng and in Bisayan ang, and for its occurrence in pronouns to be compared with Malay ngkau. That Rotinese has ata rather than anta is not surprising, as this article occurs both with and without a nasal coda.
Furthermore, the Watu-Karunsi’e forms inaku, etc. must be considered as compounded with an article ending in a nasal, namely in. A form in occurs in the Minahasan languages next to n and un; also Mongondow has it as an
article Brandstetter 1913:39. On the other hand, the Upper Mori forms are formed with i, the article for persons. In iiko ‘2
SG
’ this article is even twice present.
80
The corresponding Watu-Karunsi’e form inggo’o has obtained the requisite length through lengthening of the final vowel accompanied by glottal insertion. In inggo’o ‘2
SG
’, inggito ‘1
PLN
’, inggami ‘1
PLX
’ and inggomiu ‘2
PL
’ the ngg originated from voicing of ngk. The Upper Mori third person personal pronouns iwono and iworo appear to be compounded from iwo and a
possessive suffix. Presumably, however, this is only apparent. In Watu and Karunsi’e we indeed also find iwono in the singular, but in the plural
[p. 125] ihiro which, apart from the initial i-, corresponds entirely with Old Javanese,
Pamona, etc. sira, so that iworo perhaps was formed by analogy to iwono in a time when people no longer understood iwono, and reinterpreted it as iwo+no. Probably iwono is to be analyzed as i and wono, the latter of
which is cognate with Tontemboan wana ‘there, there are’, compare ambana ‘there, that place’ Schwarz 1908:s.v.. The form iwono would thus actually mean ‘the one there, yonder’. The i of iwono is probably not the well-known
article for persons, but rather the article in, an element which was also encountered above as a formative of the other Watu-Karunsi’e forms. That it was the article in appears from Padoe umono, which presumably stands for umbono
compare § 27, seeing as how the corresponding third person plural form is umboro. A form umbono could have originated from imbono under influence of the labial consonant.
An a can be prefixed to the Watu-Karunsi’e forms, This a can also occur before the article for persons i, e.g. ai Laemadi also in Padoe. Furthermore this a can also be placed before the homophonous preposition i also in Watu-
Karunsi’e and Padoe, e.g. ai Malili ‘to Malili’, and in Padoe before the pronominal prefixes u- ‘2
SG
’ and i- ‘2
PL
’, which in that case become, respectively, au- and ai-, e.g. ai-ala-akita 2
PL
-get-
APPL
:1
PLN
‘you all fetch it for us’. The latter forms probably originated by analogy. It is possible that this is also the case with the article for persons,
and that originally a was placed only before the preposition i, where in this case a is probably the known preposition an. In Tinompo and elsewhere one finds the reverse order in the compounding of the two synonymous prepositions,
namely ia § 274. But it is probably more likely that the a which makes its appearance before the article i in Watu- Karunsi’e is to be explained as a deictic element which plays, also in Mori, a considerable role in the formation of
pronouns; compare § 193. This interpretation is supported by the fact that this element also occurs in Tinompo, but only with the article i never with the homophonous pronoun, e.g. aisema ‘who?’. In Upper Mori people say instead
for this nggo isema, from which it would appear that the a of ai Laemadi, etc. is not to be though of as a preposition.
Finally, the third person singular forms iao, ho’io, etc. § 162 must be treated. The form iao is compounded from the generally encountered ia and the enclitic o both third person singular pronouns. The actual meaning is
thus ‘that is it’, which is in harmony with moro iao ‘perhaps that is it’. That o is the enclitic pronoun appears from Karunsi’e-Watu iee, Watu ie’e, as in these dialects o is replaced by e in certain phonetic environments see § 165.
However, ia no longer occurs by itself,
81
but has entirely fused with o. I also take ho’io and hoio to be combinations of ia and o, this time in the reverse order the o is more often placed preceding in the Upper Mori dialects than in
Tinompo, as for example in Impo, Molongkuni, etc. olo, compounded from o and the particle lo; see § 164. The h is certainly secondary compare § 77; the Padoe say oio.
168. I
NDEPENDENT PRONOUNS
S
ET
VI. The forms presented in Table 6 have in large part already come up for discussion in the preceding section. Concerning da’a for da, see § 30. That Tiu speakers say koda in place of muda
should well be ascribed to Upper Mori influence. In these pronouns, the Upper Mori dialects exhibit a great number of variant forms, for the most part with unimportant differences.
[p. 126] Before i, da mostly loses its a; Molongkuni
denoda’a and deroda’a must go back to dainoda’a, etc., and thus exhibit vowel contraction. The forms daino,
80
[footnote 6, p. 124] Compare Tontemboan iico Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:240. One could also admit to lengthening in iiko, if need be.
81
[footnote 4, p. 125] Except in nahi ia and komba ia, which are Tinompo equivalents of Malay bukan; see § 268.
daeno, etc. can be compared with Watu ana, only in the first-mentioned forms the particle or pronominal element
82
i occurs in place of a as noted with Table 6, the form daina may also occur in Watu. Although the Molongkuni
dikida’a could be an analogical formation, it is more likely the result of assimilation, compare Molongkuni nggikida’a next to the synonymous nggoikoda’a. These last two forms both contain the element nggo, which must
also be found in the form nggida mentioned above in § 163; nggo—discussed further in § 194—thus stands next to da in these forms. It is peculiar that some forms, e.g. daku, are compounded from the particle da and a short form of
the personal pronouns which also does service as the possessive suffix. However, it is possible that in such forms a vowel has fallen away. Impo daada’a stands for daeda’a, from daenoda’a. Tambee neda’a goes back to nada’a,
while Ulu Uwoi nona’a originated from noda’a by alliteration.
83
Presumably Tambee haeno has a non-original h, compare Ulu Uwoi aino. Although this latter could also stand for daino, it could instead be formed with the element
a mentioned in § 167. In Watu amahai ‘1
PLX
’ and amihae ‘2
PL
’ have lost, respectively, i and u from the middle. Watu hae is a particle which roughly corresponds with Tinompo da, da’a, in this function at any rate. Also one probably has to see a
particle in Padoe le. The derivation is uncertain; the older form is presumably la compare lakuda’a; in lekoda’a, leda’a, etc.; le could be from contraction of lai, and this once more be a variant form of da. In place of Padoe la, le,
Tinompo speakers use nde, e.g. nde muda is the Tinompo equivalent of Padoe lekoda’a, from which it emerges that la or le actually does not belong with the form. But where Tinompo has nde, other dialects once again have da, so
that la and da could very well be doublets.
Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns.
169. Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns do not occur in Mori. Where we employ a reflexive pronoun, Mori
makes use of a verb formed with the prefix me-, while the prefixes me-, mape-, mambe- mombe-, tepo- and mepo- make reciprocal pronouns superfluous. For discussion of all these prefixes, see the relevant sections in Chapter 12.
To a certain extent, koroi ‘body’, followed by a possessive pronoun, can be considered as taking the place of our reflexive pronoun; compare § 155.
DEICTIC PRONOUNS.
170. In this and the subsequent parts of this chapter are treated the words which roughly can be considered the
equivalents of our deictic, interrogative and indefinite adverbs of place, time and manner. There is much said in Jespersen 1924:84–85 in favor of considering these words to be pronouns. In any case they can hardly be treated
free of the pronouns, such as Hurgronje 1900:144 ff. exhaustively demonstrates for Acehnese, but which also applies to many, if not all
[p. 127] other Indonesian languages. As shall appear below, in Mori not only the
equivalents insofar as one can speak of ‘equivalents’ of our independent demonstratives ndio, tuu, etc., but also those of our adjectival demonstratives andio, etc., must often be translated by ‘here’, ‘there’, ‘yonder’, and the
border between these pronouns and the ‘equivalents’ of our ‘deictic adverbs’ is drawn entirely differently than in our language. Furthermore one can, among other things, yet point out that in many Indonesian languages, and likewise in
Mori, the word for ‘where?’ concurrently serves as the equivalent of our pronoun ‘which?’, etc.
171. The Mori demonstratives make a five-way distinction. There are demonstratives of the first, second and
third person, but those belonging to the third person occur in three sorts. Literally, these three sorts distinguish strictly between what is on the same level as the speaker, what is lower than the speaker, and what is higher than the
speaker. In which way these terms are to be understood appears in more detail below § 191. Provisionally, a general characterization shall be sufficient.
Another observation of a general nature is that the deictic pronouns indicate not only place but also time.
84
In the latter case they are employed figuratively, and by the nature of things the use which is made of the
82
[Postscript, p. 126] That a goes back to the third person singular element i is not likely, because i itself is not encountered as a pronoun in Upper Mori.
83
[Postscript, p. 126] There is, however, also na’a, alternate form of da’a; see above.
84
[footnote 1, p. 127] This naturally does not apply of
ALL
forms in the particular.
demonstratives of the three persons is somewhat arbitrary. The border between the spheres is not fixed, and more than once speakers have a choice between using a pronoun of the first or second person, sometimes even between all
three persons see below § 174. These matters come up for comprehensive discussion in the following paragraphs.
The Mori speaker readily localizes in one of the five particular pronominal spheres. He uses the demonstratives much more actively than we do. When translating, it is not always possible to do justice to all the pronouns.
172. The demonstratives which are used in Tinompo can be presented in table form as follows. Dialectal forms
and derivations are discussed later § 192 ff.. T
ABLE
7. D
EMONSTRATIVE
P
RONOUNS
I II
III IV
V VI
1
ST PERSON
andiodo ndio
a
indi’ai ramai,
tamahi ngkoramai,
ngkontamahi
b
indiramai, inditamahi
2
ND PERSON
atuudo tuu
itu’ai —
— —
LEVEL
araudo rau
ira’ai raane
ngkoraane indiraane
3
RD
:
LOWER
aloudo lou
ilo’ai loane
ngkoloane indiloane
HIGHER
atahudo tahu
itahai tahane
ngkontahane
b
inditahane a see §§ 180–181.
b compare § 28. [p. 128]
Series I.
173. The forms andio ‘this’, atuu ‘that’, etc.
