Many -in-forms have become regular substantives, such as

dahu p[in]epate-ako keu dog PASS -kill- APPL wood ‘the dog which was killed by a piece of wood’ dahu ku-p[in]epate-ako dog 1 SG - PASS -kill- APPL ‘the dog which was killed for me in other words, for my use’ hala ku-h[in]uku-ako crime 1 SG - PASS -punish- APPL ‘the crime for which I am being punished’, ‘the crime that is being punished on me’ aku h[um]uku-ako-mu ponako-mu 1 SG . FUT PART :punish- CAUS -2 SG thievery-2 SG . POS ‘I shall punish you for your thievery’ mohuku has either the person or the crime as its object; compare however § 394. In every case there is no exception to the rule that the conjugating prefix does not cross-reference the logical object of the action, but rather the object of -ako. Neither is this the case with expressions such as the following, in which -ako is to be understood as instrumental: songka anu ku-t[in]ena-ako command REL 1 SG - PASS :order- APPL ‘the command wherefore I have been sent out’ Of other verbs with two objects, apparently these conjugated forms don’t occur. An expression such as ‘the pestled rice which was given me’ can only be rendered through a form with -ako, thus inisa anu ku-w[in]ee-ako pestled.rice REL 1 SG - PASS :give- APPL ‘the pestled rice which was given me’ compare: mia anu p[in]o-wee-ako inisa person REL 1 SG - PASS :give- APPL pestled.rice ‘the person who was given pestled rice’ The stem wee can be constructed with two objects, see § 234. From mompompahoari ‘plant in’ one can well form: inahu anu i-p[in]om-pahoari-ako bonde greens REL 3 SG - PASS : TRI -plant.in- APPL garden ‘the greens which are planted in the field’ in effect a pleonasm, because mompahoario and mompahoakono come down to the same thing; the form with -ariako occurs thus only in the [p. 354] passive but the passive form with -ari alone can not be used as well the form with only -ako.

370. Many -in-forms have become regular substantives, such as

inula ‘cargo, load’ inule ‘descendant, progeny’, from mo’ule ‘bring forth’ of descendants inahu from ninahu ‘vegetables, greens, flesh, fish’, but usually ‘greens’, in particular a certain ‘pea’ namely, the plant, the fruit of which is called wua inahu and the leaves lewe inahu pinotuwu ‘domesticated animal’ pinopaho ‘plantings’ mompaho ‘to plant’; the reduplication could have originated by analogy with pinotuwu inomba ‘dried meat’ mo’omba ‘salt meat and dry it in the sun’ inike ‘beaten tree bark’ minama ‘areca nut’ also referring to the ‘areca palm’ = pu’u minama, from momama ‘chew betel nut’ With these forms one no longer thinks of the action which is expressed by the root word, and the corresponding genitive or possessive pronoun refers then also not to the agent but to the grammatical possessor. Old -in-forms, derived from intransitive stems, in which the infix has no passive meaning see Adriani 1931:281, are not known to me. The form tinuwu ‘lifetime’ allows itself to be interpreted as ‘that which is lived, the lived-through time’; this word has also become well used in the sense of ‘life’ e.g. tuwu or tinuwu marasi ‘have a difficult life’; ipolio tuwuno or tinuwuno ‘he is prospering’, literally ‘he is able to do his life good’, but this can be based on an extension of meaning. Compare asa ntinuwu ‘the entire life long’ from beginning to end. In asa mpinoso or asa ngkinoturia ‘a small sleep of 1 to 1½ hours, a nap’ teposo is ‘fallen fast asleep’, said of someone who has dozed off or relaxed himself; moturi is ‘sleep’, tekoturi is ‘fall asleep’, -in- allows itself to be explained in the same way the form thus means ‘the time spent with sleeping or resting’. As for pinu’u in mia asa mpinu’u, the same as mia asa mpu’u ‘a family with children andor further descendants’, literally ‘people amounting to a base or stem’, pinu’u allows itself to be clarified as ‘provided with a pu’u Malay pohon’, cf. mompu’u ‘begin’, literally ‘make the pu’u of something’. Perhaps one could also interpret as ‘considered as a pu’u’ The frequentative infix -al-, -ar-, etc. 371. With this infix, which can occur in a number of forms see Adriani 1931:282, no new forms can be made anymore. A few clear examples of derivation with -ar- etc. are: toniso Pamona tanuju, Malay t lunjuk, ‘finger’, originally ‘index finger’, stem tiso, Pamona tuju, Malay tunjuk mompalewesi ‘bind’, stem pewe, see § 60 siloli Upper Mori silelu ‘flute’, cf. Malay s ruling and suling salampe or sanampe ‘a sarong thrown open over the shoulder, scarf’, stem sampe ‘hang outward over something’, Malay s lampai and sampai [p. 355] THE SUFFIXES. -i. 372. Undoubtedly the suffix -i originally had the function of a true locative just as the similar sounding preposition does, but just as in other Indonesian languages this function has greatly expanded in Mori. Probably not even a single example is to be cited in which the original meaning still remains purely preserved. Where this appears to be the case, such -i forms nevertheless have co-meanings which are not implied by its constituent elements stem + suffix as such. So for example next to melonso ‘jump’ occurs mompelonsoki also mompelonsongi which does not simply mean ‘jump on something’, but also ‘pounce on’ thus with the aim of falling on the object or whatever, also ‘jump up to’, ‘jump over’. In order to express ‘jump on something’ in the sense of ‘in one’s jump descend on something’ one must make use of the suffix -ari, thus melonsoari-o see § 379. Another example is mo’opoti ‘incubate, brood intr., sit on one’s young’ of a bird, which stands next to me’opoari-o ‘sit on’ with the nest, for example, as object me’opo means ‘lie on ones stomach, sit as a brooding bird’. Thus new words are formed with -i, which form so many new notions, while -ari as far as its meaning is concerned remains standing free from the verb which it follows, and only expresses that the action takes place in or on or near the object, alternatively that it directs itself toward the object of the suffix. From the following examples it must appear that the meaning of -i in general is the same as in related languages: momponakopi ‘rob’ compare monako ‘steal’ monsaumi ‘hold an umbrella sau or sau pau above someone’s head’ mo’engomi ‘overshadow’ compare engo ‘shadow’ mompekuumi ‘dive or stoop mekuu to something, dive for s.th.’ mompeholei ‘look around mehole at’ mompekuleti ‘return mekule to’ mompengingisii ‘laugh at’ compare mengingisi ‘laugh’ mompebeeki ‘mourn for’ compare mebee ‘weep’ mo’onsoi ‘obstruct someone’s way, hold back on the way’ compare mo’onso ‘close off with an onso stop, cork, plug, obstruct a watercourse e.g. in a rice paddy, etc. mompe’olii ‘make buy, conduct a transaction me’oli with’ mompabawai ‘rule over’ from pabawa ‘power, having power’ mompetondai ‘follow in a metaphorical sense, e.g. of words compare metonda, intransitive next to montonda ‘follow’ mokolei ira ‘be ruler mokole over them’ the form with indefinite object is not used See further below. 373. In some of the above data there are examples of a consonant standing between the stem and -i. These inserted sounds, which are also to be encountered with other suffixes, are sufficiently well known in related languages Fijian, Pamona, Nias, etc., and thus are not required to be treated here in extenso. In many cases the inserted sound is the original consonant coda [p. 356] of the stem, or a modification thereof for example an h arising from an s, but very often this is not the case and one has to consider a phonetic phenomenon 65 or an analogical operation. 66 65 [footnote 1, p. 356] See H. Kern 1916:313 ff.. In Balinese a non-vocalic language an inserted consonant is used from time to time with the attachment of suffixes to words which end in a vowel, for example mboyanin from boya, ngadayang or ngadakang, the same as Malay mengadakan derived with -ang from the stem ada. 66 [footnote 2, p. 356] Adriani remarks concerning Pamona “In certain cases the choice of the inserted consonant allows itself to be explained through contamination with a synonym… Usually however the inserted consonant appears to be chosen randomly” 1931:286. Besides a synonym, an antonym can also have determined the choice of an inserted consonant; a clear example of this is mo’iliki stem ili, Malay hilir ‘to follow a river in a downstream direction whether by boat, on foot, or however’, where doubtless the k is to be explained by analogy with mo’ureki stem ure, Malay udik, thus originally with k ‘sail upriver, etc.’. But also when the inserted consonant appears to be chosen randomly, one must nevertheless admit that there occurred some linking up with another word with the same consonant preceding the -i, however distantly this connection is perhaps to be sought. If it is allowable to ascribe general significance to the distribution, observed with a group of a few hundred -i-forms, then one can say that the forms without an inserted consonant are clearly in the minority compared to those with an inserted consonant, but are far in the majority when compared to any of the groups with a particular inserted consonant considered separately. As an inserted consonant k occurs very frequently, but as shall appear below, -ki has taken on a special function. Also -si which likewise has a particular function and -hi are very frequent. The inserted consonants p see also § 374 and t appear to occur somewhat less frequently, and less still l see § 375, ng and m. A number of examples are to be given with glottal, while r, w and n are also encountered as inserted consonants, though not often. No examples are known to me of voiced stops cf. § 29. In not all cases in which a two syllable stem appears to be followed by an -i suffix is this actually the case. When the inserted consonant is the original final consonant of the stem or a sound originating therefrom, one may also be dealing with a dummy syllable 67 § 29, especially if the stem only occurs in a three syllable form with i as coda. Examples of words which certainly or probably fall into this category are given in § 29. Very frequently the suffix -i is added in more than one way, whether or not accompanied by a difference in meaning. Examples of this are: mompewinsoki or mompewinsongi ‘enter’ mompedesi or mompedehi ‘beat with the flat of the hand’ mompese’elui or mompese’elungi ‘come before, precede’ montendeli or montendewi ‘spring, leap toward’ montunduhi ‘hit with a hard object’ e.g. a stick of wood, next to montunduki ‘id.’, but on a lower level monsesewi ‘cut, snip’ of material into a garment, next to monsesei ‘cut off’ moreremi ‘supply with wall’, next to morerei ‘close off from view’ as the sun, etc. More than once it happens that one dialect [p. 357] uses a different inserted consonant than another dialect, for example monsosa’ori ‘ruin’, Molio’a among others monsosa’aki. 374. Just as in other Indonesian languages, the suffix -i in Mori often has a strengthening or plural force. In Pamona, -si thus -i with the inserted consonant s has developed completely into a plural suffix, which as such can be attached even following nouns. For this function in Mori one uses especially -ki, and to a lesser extent -si and also -pi, which is not to say that these endings aren’t also to be encountered in other functions of the suffix -i. In this meaning they cannot be used with nouns see below however. Examples are: monsantiki ‘strike with something flexible mosanti many times’ mompisiki ‘nip mompisi intensely’ me’ipiki -si ‘dream mo’ipi often’ meraaliki with two -i suffixes ‘scream intensely, howl’ melakopi ‘go, be on a trip’ compare lumako ‘go, set off’ me’orapi Impo dialect ‘continually, repeatedly’ umo’ora the same as Tinompo kumora ‘shout, make the war cry’ 67 [Translator’s note: Dutch looze lettergreep, to be understood in this context as a paragogic vowel.] mekarusi ‘constantly scratch oneself’ compare mekaru ‘scratch oneself mongkarasi ‘bite mongkara repeatedly or powerfully’ mo’alasi ‘take mo’ala many things’ mobutasi ‘take offout mobuta a great number of objects’ mekaresiki with double -i suffix ‘scratch all over the ground’ of a chicken compare mongkare ‘move by scratching, or striking, or with a sweeping motion’ me’anggapi -ki, -si, meranggapi -ki, -si ‘grope about’ compare mo’angga ‘make contact with’ morangga designates a magical action; a sick body part is handled in a certain way, in order for the healer to pull the sickness or discomfort out of it mo’ungkesi -pi ‘seek well, thoroughly, everywhere’, or ‘seek without purpose’ compare mo’ungke ‘seek’ mo’ungkepi -si ‘seek around’ mekaasi -pi, -ki ‘eat all kinds of things whatever’ ku-kaasi-o ‘just like that I ate it up’ e.g. rice without any side dish nde na-m-i hina pakuli walanda ndio-mo koa because NEG - PERF -3 SG exist medicine Dutch be.here- PERF only ku-pakulisi-ako-no pakuli n-to Mori 1 SG -medicate- APPL -3 SG medicine LG -people Mori ‘there was no more European medicine, so I treated him with Mori medicine’ mompakuli ‘treat medically’ The strengthening power of these forms is often of an unfavorable nature, such as in: mepauki ‘storm about’, also ‘rave’ compare mepau ‘speak’; mepauki is also neutral in the meaning ‘say all kinds of things’ mo’alaki -si ‘just like that take or grasp something, without it serving any purpose’ mo’ombusiki ‘take out in a rough manner, without it serving any purpose’ compare mo’ombusi ‘take out, pull out, of plants, hair, feathers’ The above-mentioned me’anggapi -ki, -si can also mean ‘set one’s hands on all kinds of things’ for example, as a difficult child. Me’ipiki -si is also ‘dream of all sorts of things’, ‘dream all sorts of impossible things’, etc. The suffixes -ki and -si exceptionally also -pi can even be placed after all sorts of words to impart a displeased, crusty attitude to the expression, for example: lako-ki-mo also: lakosimo, lakopimo… go- DISPLEAS - PERF ‘just go then it doesn’t matter to me’ tonde-ki-mo or: tonde-si-mo wawa-akune ramai glass- DISPLEAS - PERF bring- APPL :1 SG come.hither ‘just bring me a glass here then as you can’t find what you were really seeking’ [p. 358] onae-ki-mo or: onae-si-mo 3 SG . INDEP - DISPLEAS - PERF ‘just that then’ Also combinations of the suffixes occur, for example: i-walulepiki-o -kipi-o, -kisi-o, -siki-o ‘just like that he wrapped it up in a defective manner’ i-’anggasipi-o -pisi-o ‘he often touches it, he picks it up often or with detrimental consequences’ Sometimes all three forms of the suffix are found together, for example i-’anggasipiki-o, i-’anggakisipi-o, i-’anggasikipi-o, i-’anggapikisi-o, i-’anggakipisi-o but not i-’anggapisiki-o as mompisiki has the meaning ‘nip’. That other forms of the suffix -i can have a plural or strengthening meaning nevertheless is evident from forms such as: moberiti or moberiki ‘tear into small pieces’ moberi ‘tear’ morebuti, the same as mobutasi ‘take offout a great number of objects’ menggaeli, menggamoli ‘sit on everywhere’ mematali ‘look around’ me’asengi ‘say all sorts of things’ often in an unfavorable sense; compare me’ase ‘tell secrets of others, which in Pamona means ‘make noise, make a commotion’ mongkapoli ‘scratch mongkapo repeatedly with the claws’ 375. Besides -ki, -si and -pi, in Mori -li has also taken on a special function. Nevertheless, as has emerged, this again isn’t the only function in which this form of the suffix -i can occur. It regularly occurs in verbs which indicate the making of a certain sound, which sound is often but not always mimicked by the verb stem. Also, the intensifying function of -i is clear here. Examples are: mebeeli ‘cry’ of deer, also ‘cry mebee protractedly’ mengangali ‘raise one’s voice nganga, shout’ menganga is ‘sing’ of women mobooli transitive, mebooli intransitive ‘cry out to’ which in Pamona is performed with the cry boo, but in Mori with oo mengaoli or mengeoli ‘meow’ compare ngeo ‘cat’ menamuli ‘rave’ this example is not entirely certain, as the stem namu is not known mepio-pioli or mepio-pio ‘peep’ of chicks memuuli ‘mutter’ mediili ‘squeak’ of mice and the such meraali ‘scream, squeal’ mekuili ‘id.’ of pigs mekiili ‘id.’ of deer me’ongeli ‘moo, low’ of carabaos and etc. The palatal character of the syllable -li makes it appropriate for this function. 376. Aside from this intensifying force, the suffix -i can also have a de-intensifying power compare the two aspects of the meaning of reduplication. Thus tineba means ‘indented, with a cut in it’, but tinebasi means ‘cut on’ as it were for example a tree where a piece of bark has been knocked off, thus in a direction which runs parallel with that of the object. The verb mongkabe means ‘take near to oneself, receive’ something which is passed and bring near to oneself by drawing in one’s outstretched hand, while mongkaberi means as it were ‘partially draw near to oneself’ such as one does with a flower or plant whether [p. 359] one pulls off a piece or not, but the lower portion of which remains in place, or with a person with whom one makes a drawing-toward-oneself motion with one’s fingers over their shoulder, without entirely bringing that person from their place, thus ‘touch with a drawing-toward- oneself motion’. Mongkuli means ‘flay’ from kuli ‘skin, rind, bark, etc., while mongkulisi is ‘remove the skin of of small deer or of certain body parts, peel, remove the bark of wood’. Another example is molongko ‘take off the hide, skin, rind of something’ in order to use it, next to molongkohi ‘remove surface dirt from the skin’ the root longko means ‘free’, compare Malay longgar. Also monseumi ‘sew on, stick into’ next to monseu ‘sew’ can be mentioned. 377. Such as has already appeared from the examples in § 372, the forms with -i often have a meaning of ‘supply with that which is indicated by the root, fit on, fit with’ etc. In such cases the root word can be either a noun or an adjective. If the latter, then there arises a sort of causative, which is always to be differentiated from the causative form derived from the same adjective with mompoko- see § 304, even though in practice the meaning often amounts to the same thing. Adriani remarks 1931:287 that these causatives with -i have a weaker meaning than those with mampa- or mampaka-. For Pamona this must be correct, indeed it is nothing more than a secondary consequence of the meaning difference. The essential difference is summed up principally as: the forms with mompoko- mean in general ‘cause the object to be or become that which is indicated by the stem’, while those with -i mean ‘apply the characteristic indicated by the root to the object’, which does not necessarily imply that it is therefore less characteristic of the object in the second case than in the first case. In Mori one cannot always make this distinction, and even the reverse is the case in mompokomosa’o ‘make bad’, versus monsosa’ori with one- syllable reduplication ‘spoil, make bad, useless’ from monsa’o ‘bad’. Other examples are: mowuwui ‘make turbid mowuwu’ by something else joining or being added to it, e.g. a quantity of turbid runoff or a lump of mud, next to mompokomowuwu ‘id.’ by stirring it montasomi ‘sharpen of pointed objects, make pointed’ compare montaso ‘sharp’ mobuketi ‘fill’ mompokobuke ‘make full’ amounts to the same thing monsolangi ‘subject to misfortune, bring into misfortune’ can even mean ‘kill’; masola means ‘be in misfortune, have a misfortune’; mompokomasola means ‘make, bring it about so that it comes into misfortune’ moroahi ‘sweep’ compare moroa ‘clean’, mompokomoroa ‘make clean’ modontai ‘let fall’ compare tedonta ‘fall down’, mompokotedonta ‘cause to fall’ The -i-derivations of which the base is a substantive stand next to forms with the same meaning without the suffix see § 296. The latter especially mean [p. 360] ‘supply something with an essential component, with something that naturally belongs with it’ for example: mo’ato raha ‘roof a house’, morere raha ‘wall a house’, mohoro raha ‘floor a house’ which does not apply to the forms with -i. On the other hand a verb derived from a substantive without any affix can also sometimes mean ‘make the object into something, make something of the object’, or merely ‘make, construct that which is indicated by the stem’ see § 296. Examples are: mo’atopi ‘supply with a roof’ less often said of a house than of a hut, or of the affixing of a small roof of thatch ato over a quantity of rice which for the time being one cannot store in a barn; compare mo’ato raha above moreremi ‘supply with a wall’ also said of a house, but this is mostly morere raha, see above mo’onei ‘bring in sand or gravel one somewhere’ compare mo’one ‘mix clay with sand for the making of earthenware pots’, cf. Adriani Kruyt 1912b:335 ff. mohaloi ‘make black with charcoal halo or soot’ a form without -i does not occur mo’ihii ‘supply with contents ihi, fill, place seed rice in a dibble hole, pay a fine’ 68 mohawusi ‘cover with a sarong hawu’ a form without -i does not occur mo’apii ‘place a layer on or under something’ mo’api ‘stack up’ mogolai ‘sweeten, supply with sugar’ mogola ‘make sugar’ In mongkaruti raha ‘supply a house with posts’ the occurrence of -i can be connected with the fact that mongkaru by itself means ‘scratch’. In a number of cases the nature of the substantive serving as the root word entails that the meaning of the -i derivation is not ‘supply with’ but ‘remove that which the root word indicates’. That denominatives without affixation other than mo-, etc. also occur in this meaning has already been brought out in § 296. Often the suffix -i in this meaning is paired with the prefix mompe-. 69 Examples are: mongkutui ‘delouse, remove lice kutu from someone’s hair’ also, mekutui ‘search for head lice’ morenggehi ‘take the remainders, the leftovers rengge out of somewhere, for example from a cook pot’ mongkulisi next to mongkuli; see § 376 mompeleweki ‘remove the leaves lewe from’ mompewuaki ‘remove the fruit wua from’ mompelidii ‘remove the leaf rib lidi from’ also ‘leave the leaf rib’ and eat up the leaves, said of caterpillars, thus in general ‘separate the leaf rib’ mompewukui ‘remove the pits, seeds, bones wuku from’ said of fruit, fish, etc. where one takes out the wuku in order to eat it mompele’ihii also containing an element le- ‘remove the flesh ihi of’ in a certain sense this is the antonym of mompewukui compare mo’ihii above mompelalei ‘chase flies lale away from something’ [p. 361] 378. Substantives with the suffix -i except for those with the function mentioned on p. 357 are probably always deverbal cf. Adriani 1931:292. Thus tetei is ‘rung of a ladder, etc., slat of a rack’, undoubtedly derived from montetei ‘supply with rungs, etc., put in a plank’, from the stem tete ‘plank’, thus a passive nomen instrumenti which has become a substantive see § 230. Per se, these nomina instrumenti cannot be considered to be substantives. Also adjectives with -i are to be found. In part these are likewise derived from verb stems, such as malunduki ‘struck down, trampled down for example by horses or wild pigs and in this way destroyed’ said of rice crops and the such, which is the ma- form of molundu or molunduki ‘destroy in this way’. Also mongkoko’awati ‘funny, 68 [footnote 2, p. 360] A form without -i does not occur. 69 [footnote 3, p. 360] Compare § 320, also Adriani 1931:288. amusing’ compare mongkoko’awa-ku ‘I must laugh’ was doubtless originally a verb see § 249, compare mekoko’awati ‘make each other laugh’ ‘make someone laugh’ is mo’o’awati. In Padoe deiki ‘small’, -ki may have an intensifying function, compare Tinompo kode-kodei see § 116. -ari -ai. 379. The suffix -ari consists of a combination of the locative elements suffixes a and i, with an r which belongs with the latter see § 275, and which points to the great time depth of this suffix, as ri no longer occurs presently in this form except in the Highlands. That r should be an inorganic inserted consonant is not likely. Perhaps the forms with -ari have arisen as the result of a process of transposition as written about in § 211 ff., in that for example sala ku-lako-ari-o ‘the road I am traveling on’ goes back to sala lako-a-ku ‘id.’, transposed first to sala ku-lako-a. Because the suffix -a is not encountered in true verbal forms, 70 this latter was expanded with the preposition ri and the corresponding pronominal object to ku-lako-a-ri-o. 71 According to this interpretation, the appearance of -a in these forms and the origin of this suffix—which is not known in any other language group outside that of Mori—goes back to the transposition of a certain group of nominal constructions. In every case the suffix is -a as emerges from the fact that inserted consonants are encountered in some forms with the suffix -a, which likewise occur in the -ari forms and ri, presumably the preposition turned suffix, which at present has been preserved in this form only in the Highlands. The Watu form of this suffix, namely -ai, supports this interpretation. Forms with indefinite object of the derivations with -ari are not often encountered, which follows from the meaning: in a form such as mompahoari-o ‘plant a certain crop in’, it is naturally not the object of the suffix, but that of mompaho which is indefinite. Seeing that passive participles [p. 362] with -in- can be formed only from a number of these words, and by the nature of things personal suffixes other than that of the third person singular are seldom in keeping with the meaning, the suffix -ari usually has the personal pronoun -o after it. That’s why an inclination has come to be established for also using -o there even when it is not properly fitting, such as in: ontae mia anu tehala ndi ondae Ue Ala 1 PLN . INDEP person REL guilty at 3 PL . INDEP Lord God do-po-tunda-ari-o Ue Isa kana mia anu asa 3 PL - CAUS -sit- LOC -3 SG Lord Jesus like person REL one madala ringgi pasua-no 100,000 rix.dollar debt-3 SG . POS ‘Jesus compares us people who are guilty before God with the man who had a 100,000 rix-dollar debt’ an inconceivably great sum, see § 278 where one should expect do-po-tunda-ari kita 3 PL - CAUS -sit- LOC 1 PLN which by the way can also be used, because it is not the compared thing which one ‘makes sit’ mompotunda on that to which it is compared, but the reverse. Nevertheless from the use of kana it appears that the expression is no longer taken in its literal meaning. The meaning of the -ari-form is ‘the action indicated by the verb after which -ari is added is performed on, in, etc., alternatively directed on, toward, etc. the place or point indicated by the object’ sometimes in a metaphorical sense. Examples are: lumakoari-o plural form naturally melakoari-o ‘go on, toward’ mompelereari, melereari-o ‘prepare or have gardens, a dry rice field lere on’ mompe’iniaari, me’iniaari-o ‘make, have as a village or living place inia, live in something like a village’ with a place, piece of land, etc. as the object, not this or that village 70 [footnote 1, p. 361] Save in certain cases in which it has a special function; see § 383. 71 [from main text, p. 361] The expression sala ku-lako does not contain any locative element and thus, unlike in Pamona, is not possible in Mori. mompo’inuari, mo’inuari-o ‘drink out of’ mompongkaangari, mongkaangari-o ‘eat out of’ regarding the -ng-, compare pongkaanga ‘place where, object from which one eats’ mompeteteari, meteteari-o ‘go on, over something narrow; use as a small bridge, etc.’ compare metete ‘go over something narrow’ momponaapari, monaapari-o ‘lay, place, set in’ compare ponaapa ‘place where one sets s.th. down mompompakuliari, mompakuliari-o ‘medicate, treat with medicine, magic in, etc.’ sa’u andio p[in]o-naa-pari-o inisa basket this PASS : TRI -store- LOC -3 SG pestled.rice ‘pounded rice is put in this basket’ sa’u anu p[in]o-naa-pari-o inisa basket REL PASS : TRI -store- LOC -3 SG pestled.rice ‘a basket in which pounded rice is stored’ io kuro wita mararu koa mbo’u do-mem-pake-o mia CN pot earth many.times only again 3 PL - PL -use-3 SG person m-pom-pakuli-ari-o PL - TRI -medicate- LOC -3 SG ‘the men often also used an earthenware cook pot in order to mompakuli in it’ ku-pom-pakuli-ari-o pae 1 SG - TRI -medicate- LOC -3 SG rice ‘I placed, laid the rice medicine in, on, beside it’ [p. 363] mesombaari-o ‘revere, render veneration mesomba to’ not said of a separate act of veneration of a certain being, for example the bringing in of an offering, which can well be expressed by the otherwise synonymous mompesombai melahumoaari-o ‘worship as lahumoa godly being’ me’ueari-o, me’ue ‘stand in the ue relationship with respect to’, thus ‘have as lord, grandfather, grandmother’ Whenever a transitive verb serves as the basis of one of these forms such as in mo’inuari-o, monaapari-o, etc. it cannot be constructed with a definite object with the exception of mompotundaari-o mentioned on p. 362. Forms such as uminuari-o, do-naapari-o, etc. are thus not possible. Curiously, with the -ari forms a preposition can be used yet again pleonastically, for example: a wita andio nahi moiko to-pom-paho-ari-o osole on earth this NEG good 1 PLN - TRI -plant- LOC -3 SG corn ‘we can plant no corn on this ground’ that is to say it will not grow well there As emerges from the given examples, it must still be noted that when the -ari-form has two objects, that of the suffix usually precedes while that of the verb itself comes after, which supports the explanation of the origin of this suffix given above namely via transposition of substantive constructions with -a. Nevertheless one can still say and etc.: aku mom-paho-ari-o osole bonde 1 SG . FUT PART : TRI -plant- LOC -3 SG corn garden ‘I will plant corn in the field’ -a. 380. The well-known suffix -a Javanese, etc. -an is usually added after active and passive verbal nouns and after nominal derivations of adjectives, whether these already contain a suffix or not. It gives speaking in general the place where the action occurs or on which it directs itself, or where the situation or the quality expressed by the root is existing. The rule is that -a in Tinompo is affixed without an inserted consonant. The meaning entails this: namely, no new words are derived with this suffix, but only FORMS , which as such completely stand in line with the nexus- substantives which they belong closely with, and likewise with the conjugated forms, the imperatives, etc. Such forms derived with -a can, however, in certain cases be considered as separate words, and it is under this category of -a-forms that most instances of inserted consonants are encountered. Next to them also stand some pure ‘local nexus-substantives’ as one could name the -a-forms which exhibit an inserted consonant, and which thus in their entirety, just like previously mentioned pure nouns, have originated from a former stage of the language. The inserted consonants which occur with these forms, and which are the same as given in § 373, 72 are presumably the original stem-final consonants [p. 364] of the various stems, or consonants originating therefrom. The opposite, at any rate, is not to be demonstrated and must—as ensues from what has been said above—be esteemed very improbable. Rightly one can point to kontiara ‘giving birth, bearing’, but there is no conclusive reason to connect this word up with Malay, etc. tian ‘belly’ of which stem Mori mentia ‘pregnant’ does; rather it is derived from tia ‘part’, Tagalog tilad, Mongondow silad, silay and thus to be rendered ‘endowed’ compare Dutch bezet ‘set, possessed with’. In sookano oleo also sooano oleo, sumooano oleo ‘the place where the sun sets sumoo, the West’, from the stem soo ‘enter, penetrate somewhere of liquids, set of sun and moon’, Javanese s r p, the k could have arisen from a p. 73 The final l of moliola ‘go back and forth without aim, without reason’ compare molio-lio ‘wander around’ could have originated from r, compare Malay liar ‘wild’, Pamona lia, liara ‘bewildered, lost one’s way’. 74 Only s occurs as an inorganic inserted consonant, but the suffix -sa occurs in special circumstances see footnote 1, p. 97. The above applies only to Tinompo cum suis. In Upper Mori -a is usually preceded by a glottal as inserted consonant, which presumably must be explained as epenthesis between vowels, as the suffix -a itself does not begin with a glottal see § 79 ff.. In a number of -a-forms, h cf. § 77 and ng occur before the vowel as inserted consonant; under which circumstances this occurs must be further researched.

381. Examples of the above mentioned meaning of -a are the following: