In the mokole dialect there are again various subdialects to be differentiated, of which especially those of the To Moiki Koro Wou
14
and of Tiu To Kangua have taken on a separate position. These two dialects hang very closely together, but have come under different influences Tiu is very strongly mixed with Upper Mori; Moiki has
been exposed to influence from Watu, so that they now fairly noticeably differ. In some respects these dialects exhibit a more old-fashioned type than Tinompo.
Also Nuha must be separately mentioned, but still is [p. 5]
probably closer to Tinompo than Moiki or Tiu. Nuha is spoken in the Malili subdistrict in the villages of Sorowako and Nuha To Nuha, Matano To Rahampu’u and
Bure To Taipa.
15
I only know a little about Nuha, and entirely nothing about the dialectal differences between the villages where it is spoken strictly speaking, only Sorowako and Nuha are to be viewed as the language area of the
Nuha dialect. A striking point of difference with Tinompo comes up for discussion in the treatment of the demonstratives § 199.
The dialect of Sampalowo grammatically differs little or not at all from Tinompo, but the vocabulary exhibits quite a number of differences. Koro Lolaki is primarily inhabited by To Ngusumbatu To Tinompo and To Moiki.
Also the Mori who live in Tompira originate from Tinompo. The To Roda Beteleme as well speak Tinompo.
16
Concerning the dialect of the hamlet Karunsi’e not to be confused with the To Karunsi’e mentioned in § 4 I know nothing other than that it belongs to the mokole dialect.
6. III.
U
PPER
M
ORI
. The most important subdialects of Upper Mori are: Molio’a spoken in Korokonta, Tanasumpu, Topaku, Tomata and Ta’endelipu,
17
the dialect of the To Ulu Uwoi Undoro, Dolupo
18
and the To Tambee in the Malili subdistrict not very long ago these two peoples were a unit J. Kruyt 1924:35 and thus speak
approximately the same dialect, Molongkuni Lembombelala, Tambalako, Wawopada, Tingkea’o, Lahumbala and Impo Korowalelo, Korompeeli, Koromatantu. The last two are closely related, but still exhibit not insignificant
points of difference.
Besides these five people groups one finds in Mori a great number of miniature sub-tribes, for which it makes little sense to enumerate them all, as they tend just as is the case with other small tribes, for that matter to
designate themselves with the names of former settlements J. Kruyt 1924:34. One can be certain of them that each of these small tribes exhibits peculiarities in the area of the language, but it is very improbable that there are to be
found among these dialects any which cannot be closely connected up to one of the above-named five. The language of Mondowe, perhaps, constitutes an exception. Of the people who live in this village the To Pomuaia,
their nearest relations the To Mbelala have settled
[p. 6] in Labua village in the Bungku area also Lambere’a and
Pekampua were reported to me as villages of the same tribe, at least of the same language. It is very possible, however, that here one must be mindful of the dispersal of the Mori; what I know about the language spoken in
Mondowe
19
makes it very improbable that it should be something other than simply an Upper Mori dialect. Perhaps it has been refurbished by some unique foreign influences.
7. IV.
P
ADOE
. The basis of Padoe especially in respect to the grammar is Upper Mori. One could thus view it as an Upper Mori dialect.
20
In addition, though, Padoe exhibits phenomena which indicate that another language must have contributed to the development of this dialect. Thus the sound system of Padoe is distinguished from all
the other Mori dialects in that the sound combination ns does not occur in it. The Padoe say, for example, for ‘banana’ pusi, Upper Mori punsi, Tinompo punti, for ‘langsat’ lasa, Mori lansa, Malay lansat. That differences in
pronouns should be found in a Mori dialect of the Upper Mori area is not surprising cf. below §§ 164 and 192. But when one encounters a great number of general IN words in Padoe in another form than which they appear in all the
other Mori dialects, without a doubt this points to a foreign language element which has blended itself with the pure Mori element. One can cite as examples of such Padoe olo ‘day, sun’, Mori oleo, Ngaju andau, Napu alo, etc. and
the Padoe forms cited in §§ 90–103. Perhaps the To Padoe entered the Malili area from elsewhere and there met
14
[footnote 8, p. 4] After an expedition of Dutchmen and Ternateans against Mori in 1856 defeated Ensa Ondau, the fortress of the To Moiki, a number of members of this tribe were transported to Bacan. According to reports, these people or their
descendants still speak Mori. That at present the To Moiki form such an insignificant people is probably a consequence of this bloodletting.
15
[footnote 1, p. 5] J. Kruyt 1919b:328 also describes some movements which, according to tradition, took place from Matano to Bungku and to Rauta to the southeast of Lake Matano. Of these colonies I know nothing further. In Bungku there are
various villages of Mori speakers; see §§ 4 and 6.
16
[footnote 2, p. 5] Some influence from the Watu dialect is evident. The To Roda are not the sole inhabitants of Beteleme.
17
[footnote 3, p. 5] These villages partly have a mixed population.
18
[footnote 4, p. 5] The inhabitants of Balongkere have almost all moved to Malili To Tambee.
19
[Postscript, p. 6] Concerning the To Pomuaia, the inhabitants of Mondowe, it can further be informed that it was not long ago that they moved from Bungku to Mori. The language however is Upper Mori saving certain Bungku elements such as inai
‘who’, which can be attributed to borrowing, and so these people must have originally come from the Mori area.
20
[footnote 1, p. 6] That Dr. Adriani had classified it with East Mori Adriani Kruyt 1914:231 ff. must be blamed on the extreme unreliability of the data furnished to him.
with an Upper Mori population,
21
whom they superseded and in whose land they themselves settled, but with whom at the same time they themselves intermingled by adopting their language. What their original language might have
been must constitute a further investigation. Probably they used to speak a Lalaki or Mekongga dialect, or a closely related idiom, because these mutually very closely related languages likewise belong to the Bungku-Mori group,
lying geographically closest in the neighborhood and to name just one point of similarity are likewise missing the prenasalized s cf. also § 26.
8. The grammatical differences between the dialects are especially to be found in the area of the pronouns. This
subject is treated at very great length in Chapter 4. Also a few things shall be added concerning the other points of difference in the area of grammar.
22
Nevertheless, as for what shall be said in this book about the dialects, I make the least possible claim to completeness, and it must entirely be considered an ‘extra’. I very much hope that it shall
be, in combination [p. 7]
with that which shall be said below about the sound system, sufficient to justify the proposed classification.
Speaking generally, Upper Mori has been affected by sound change in stronger measure than the other dialects. To name just the principle points of difference: the tendency toward voicing of prenasalized stops is very much
stronger in Upper Mori, in more cases a has changed into o or e, and the t into s than in Tinompo, Watu-Karunsi’e and the other Lower Mori dialects.
23
Some verb stems in Upper Mori even have different forms when they are combined with certain affixes, something which is not encountered in Tinompo. So one can be certain that he is dealing with an Upper Mori dialect
when one encounters next to each other the forms monggaa ‘eat’, kumaango ‘eat it’, mo’alo ‘take’, umaleo ‘take it’, mowawo ‘bring’, waweo ‘bring it’, monggito ‘see’, kumiteo ‘see it’ from the stems which in Tinompo are
respectively kaa, ala, wawa and kita.
24
Some words in Upper Mori have a more old-fashioned form than in the other dialects, e.g. mosa’a ‘ugly, bad’, Tinompo mosa’o, Malay jahat; monta’a ‘set traps and the such, Tinompo monta’o, Malay tahan, and the words
which in Upper Mori end in -ui but in Tinompo and elsewhere end in -i see § 41, but these cases are to be considered the exceptions which prove the given rule.
On the whole the words in Watu and Karunsi’e have the same form as in the mokole dialect. The latter however is more conservative than the former two and thus is the least decayed of all Mori dialects. The difference concerns
primarily the vowel a, which has become o less often e in a greater number of cases in Watu-Karunsi’e than in Tinompo, etc., for example Watu, Karunsi’e, Upper Mori aaso, Tinompo aasa ‘one’; Watu, Karunsi’e, Upper Mori
oruo, Tinompo orua ‘two’; Watu, Karunsi’e, Upper Mori iro third person plural personal pronoun, Tinompo ira, etc. So also in Watu-Karunsi’e one finds mo’alo ‘take’ next to Watu umale’e, Karunsi’e umalee ‘take it’, and
mowawo ‘bring’ next to Watu wawe’e, Karunsi’e wawee ‘bring it’, where Tinompo has respectively mo’ala and umalao, mowawa and wawao.
Although there are yet more features to be cited in which Watu-Karunsi’e and Upper Mori correspond with each other in contrast to the mokole dialect, nevertheless one can say that the latter stands in between the former
two. My provisional impression is that in respect to the grammar and lexicon the mokole dialect stands somewhat closer to Upper Mori than it does to Watu and Karunsi’e, but the data on which this impression rests are too little to
be able to speak with certainty. The vocabulary of the Watu and Karunsi’e dialects approaches that of Bungku, which corresponds with the geographical layout. Provisionally Bungku must remain considered a separate, though
closely related, sister language.
9. That which was said by Dr. Adriani in 1914 concerning the relationship of the
