Our indefinite pronouns ‘someone’ and ‘no one’

kana’umpe ka nah-u po-wawa doi? how and NEG -2 SG TRI -carry money ‘why didn’t you bring any money along?’ 205. Both te’ipia and indi’ipia mean ‘when?’. The first makes reference to the future ‘in a few days, weeks, or months’, the latter to the past ‘a few days, weeks, or months ago’. The phrase ba indi’ipia occurs in the meaning ‘formerly, previously’ literally ‘back whenever’: omue-mo nae mbe’e 186 anu mokonsii aku andio 2 SG . INDEP - PERF 3 SG . INDEP friend REL PART :make.suffer 1 SG this ba ndi’ipia INDEF some.days.ago ‘you are the one who hurt me previously’ te’ipia-po ku-po-wee-ko some.days.hence- INCOMP 1 SG - TRI -give-2 SG ‘sometime in the future I don’t know when I will give you of it’

206. Our indefinite pronouns ‘someone’ and ‘no one’

187 do not have any pronominal equivalent in Mori, as one cannot say that mia one or more persons and asa mia one person are pronouns, though sometimes they do get translated as ‘someone’, for example: i inia andio hina-o asa mia anu mekombe at village this exist-3 SG one person REL crazy ‘in this village is someone are people who is are crazy’ nahi ta hina hawe NEG 3 SG . FUT exist come ‘no one shall come’ literally ‘there shall not be one who comes’ na-hina mia anu t[um]o’ori-o NEG -exist person REL PART :know-3 SG ‘there is not no one who knows it’ The expression sa-mia-no or asa mia-no can also be used in the sense of ‘everyone’, for example: sa-mia-no koa ta mong-kaa mo’ahi one-person-3 SG . POS just 3 SG . FUT PART : TRI -eat delicious ‘everyone will eat scrumptiously’ How the emphatic ‘no one’ in the sense of ‘not anyone at all’ is expressed is shown in § 201. Our words ‘something’ and ‘nothing’ when receiving no particular emphasis, are not separately expressed in Mori, for example: hina-o anu aku pau-ako-mu exist-3 SG REL 1 SG . FUT say- APPL -2 SG ‘there is something which I have to tell you’ na-hina anu k[in]ita-ku NEG -exist REL PASS :see-1 SG . POS ‘I have not seen it’, or ‘I have seen nothing’ 186 [footnote 1, p. 161] Concerning nae, see § 163; mbe’e is a shortening of sambe’e ‘friend’. 187 [Postscript, p. 161] For the expression of ‘anyone’ see p. 276 and §§ 288 and 291. But with emphasis: na-hina ba hapa anu k[in]ita-ku NEG -exist INDEF what REL PASS :see-1 SG . POS ‘I have not seen it, whatever it is’ Compare also asa mbo’u ‘still something’, literally ‘still one thing’. Concerning the expression of generic agents ‘one’ see § 157. 207. The equivalent of our relative pronoun is anu. This word, however, has a very broad function in many Indonesian languages. “Anu is,” as Adriani has expressed, “actually a kind of article, that serves to make a non- independent word independent, or to strengthen the independence of a word” 1931:356. As such it occurs in Mori especially with certain numerals especially those with are formed with i-, for example: 188 i laro-no anu itolu at inside-3 SG . POS REL three.days ‘in the time of three days, within three days’ dandi anu ipitu period REL seven.days ‘the period of seven days’ and as what applies to a single word also applies to an entire expression, in the examples beginning with anu ka see § 218. As a relative pronoun see below anu summarizes the contents of [p. 162] a relative clause into an entirety. Anu must also be translated by one of our articles when it stands before an adjective or numeral which is used substantively, or with which a head noun is not overtly expressed, for example: anu motaha REL red ‘the bay, a bay horse, etc.’ lalu-o-po anu susua i-pon-tena surpass-3 SG - INCOMP REL different 2 PL - TRI -send ‘it is better that you send another’ anu aasa asa-’asa wuku-no REL one REDP -one seed-3 SG . POS ‘the one has only a single pit’ Furthermore in anu-ku ‘the mine’, etc., one can render anu with ‘thing of’. Anu also has the meaning ‘thingamajig’, ‘whatcha-ma-call-it’ and as such acts as an indefinite pronoun. As anu is for things, correspondingly i Anu ‘what’s-his-name’ is for persons. When anu stands at the beginning of a relative clause one can as a rule render it with one of our relative pronouns. The function of anu as a relativizer, however, is broader than our pronouns, such as appears from the following where anu makes reference to a definiteness of place: butu a n-tonga lere mami anu iko mo-hawe bailo merely at LG -middle field PLX REL 2 SG . FUT PART : TRI -encounter millet ‘only in the middle of our field is it that you shall find millet’ 188 [from main text, p. 161] Compare i larono asa nta’u ‘in one year’. compare what was observed concerning onae in § 160. One also finds relative clauses which are not introduced by anu, such as cf. also § 206: hina-o asa mia anu l[um]aki uwoi mom-po’aha ahi exist-3 SG one person REL PART :go:at water PART : TRI -shoulder water.bamboo ‘there was someone who went to the water, shouldering a bamboo water container’ na-hina um-ehe NEG -exist PART -want ‘there is no one who is willing’ However, anu can be left out only when there is no danger of uncertainty arising, thus cannot be omitted in non- restrictive relative clauses 189 such as: ungkue koa nae, anu na-hina doi-ku andio, 1 SG . INDEP only 3 SG . INDEP REL NEG -exist money-1 SG . POS this komba aku mom-poko-’oli ngara by.no.means 1 SG . FUT PART : TRI - POTENT -buy horse ‘I, who have no money, shall be able to buy no horse’ and neither when there is no antecedent, thus where anu has the meaning of ‘the one who, heshe who, that which…’, etc., for example: anu-mo k[in]aa miu onae-mo ngkuda ku-pong-kaa REL - PERF PASS :eat 2 PL . POS 3 SG . INDEP - PERF 1 SG . ADD 1 SG - TRI -eat ‘that which is eaten by you all, that I will also eat’ anu da m-po’ia i raha, m-poturi ira-mo luwu REL still PL -stay at house PL -sleep 3 PL - PERF all ‘the ones who are still in the house are all asleep’ In order to place special stress on a nominal or pronoun one can, just as in our language, make use of a relative clause in which then is embedded that which one wants to say about the thing or person in question, for example: gaagi mokole-mo andio anu mokolei ira mia become ruler- PERF this REL PART :rule.over 3 PL person i inia andio at village this ‘thus it was this mokole who ruled over the people in this that village’ wherein the emphasis is strengthened further by the particle -mo. 208. As a relative pronoun, anu as far as I know can be nothing other than subject or object, thus for example cannot stand in the genitive, 190 or be combined with a preposition. Where we use a relative pronoun in the genitive, 189 [footnote 1, p. 162] Confer Jespersen 1924:112; the same phenomenon is exhibited mutatis mutandis in English. 190 [footnote 2, p. 162] In sentences such as: kanantuu-mo kada pepau-no anu monge-monge like.that- PERF AFFIRM speech-3 SG . POS REL stupid ‘thus is the speaking of someone who is stupid’ [p. 163] one must in Mori, just as in other Indonesian languages, attach a possessive pronoun which refers to anu to the word in the relative clause for which anu should stand in genitive relationship according to the construction in our language, for example: nana’ote anu na-m-i hina mia mota’u-do child REL NEG - PERF -3 SG exist person old-3 PL . POS ‘children whose parents were no longer, children who no more had parents’ tisomo ku-n[um]aa-o anu asa wuku-no i koana-ku tomorrow 1 SG . FUT - PART :place-3 SG REL one seed-3 SG . POS at right-1 SG . POS ‘tomorrow I will place that of which its seed is one that which has one seed on my right’ Cases in which a prepositional group, consisting of a preposition and a personal pronoun referring back to anu, are not known to me. 191 One may posit that they are not encountered, in that the sole prepositions in the proper sense of this word are the synonymous particles i, a and ndi ‘in, on, about, toward’ with which the suffix -a corresponds, so that constructions such as alluded to above can be avoided. An example is: ndii-ndio mia anu pesikeno-a-ku indiawi REDP -be.here person REL question- NZR -1 SG . POS yesterday ke ta l[um]aki Tentena i Anu. INTERROG 3 SG . FUT PART :go:to Tentena PN What’s-his-name ‘here is the person to whom I asked yesterday lit., who was my place of questioning whether So-and-so will go to Tentena’ Compare also the following, where the construction is kept simple by withholding a preposition for Dutch speakers, a felt requirement or suffix, without doing harm to the clarity: asa mbo’u anu do-sani m-pom-pake kuro bobotoli 192 one still REL 3 PL -often PL - TRI -use cook.pot round mia, onae-mo ba do-pom-pakuli sui dodoe person 3 SG . INDEP - PERF if 3 PL - TRI -medicate bird k.o.bird ‘a case in which one tends to use a round cook pot, is when one goes to work magic against the bad omen of a dodoe-bird’ Whenever a substantive is followed by a modifier especially an adjective a certain emphasis can be placed on it through the use of anu. If this is the case, in other words the person or thing indicated by the modified noun is thought to be in disjunction with another of the same sort, but to which the modifier does not apply, then by the use of anu the possibility of compounding is excluded, 193 for example: podui-no anu nahi hori modui eat.sago.porridge-3 SG . POS REL NEG before PART :eat.sago.porridge ‘the sago-porridge eating of someone who has never eaten sago porridge’ the eating of sago porridge requires some skill, as one does it with two sticks called dui it is naturally not anu but the entire relative clause introduced by anu which stands in the ‘genitive’. 191 [footnote 1, p. 163] The suffixes which are attached to the verb -ako, -i, etc. exhibit many similarities with prepositions, but are not to be identified therewith. 192 [Postscript, p. 163] The phrase kuro bobotoli translated here as ‘a round cook pot’, which must be incorrect is not good Tinompo. The intention should rightly be ‘an entire cook pot’ but as far as I know bobotoli cannot be used in this meaning. It is probably a literal translation of Pamona maliogu. 193 [footnote 2, p. 163] In this connection, compare Hurgronje 1900:242, 244 ff. as well as Chapter 3 of this book. borono i-tena ira ama-no i Wakuka ka do-m-pewuatako then 3 SG -send 3 PL father-3 SG . POS PN Wakuka and 3 PL - PL -ascend ia n-si’e anu moa, ta um-aha ira at LG -rice.barn REL empty 3 SG . FUT PART -file 3 PL ‘then Wakuka’s father ordered them to climb up in an empty rice barn, in order to file them their teeth off’ i-men-tutuwi-akune lewe ng-keu anu molue 2 PL - PL -cover- APPL :1 SG leaf LG -tree REL broad ‘cover me up with large great in surface area tree leaves’ gaagi me-hawe ira-mo a n-torukuno anu tedoa ondau become PL -arrive 3 PL - PERF at LG -mountain REL very high ‘then they came to a mountain which was very high’ Here anu occurs because the addition of tedoa to the modifier makes it desirable to give it in the form of a relative clause it should otherwise come to stand very detached from the rest of the sentence. In the following phrase anu is essential for the clarity: inia-do To Molongkuni anu kodei village-3 PL . POS People Molongkuni REL small ‘a small village of the To Molongkuni’ as without anu, kodei should belong instead with To Molongkuni. [p. 164] The phrase kana anu ‘as if, as though’, literally ‘like someone who, like something which’, has a particular usage, 194 for example: sompo lako-a-no mon-sari mia andio i-kohalihali-ako-no every go-time-3 SG . POS PART : TRI -tap.sugar.palm person this 3 SG -surprised- APPL -3 SG mpiha io baru-no kana anu s[in]ari. continually CN palm.toddy-3 SG . POS like REL PASS :tap.toddy ‘with each going of this man to tap toddy, he was always surprised about it that it was as if it was already taken away’ oleo mbo’u kana anu hina-o koa ntu’u nohu sun still like REL exist-3 SG only truly rice.mortar ‘with the sun it indeed looks as if there is a rice mortar on top’ ku-ki-kita-o sala andio raane kana anu montindulu 1 SG - REDP -see-3 SG road this there.away like REL PART :go.downhill as far as I can see, it seems the road going away there descends’ ba to-pesawiki-o ngara atuu kana anu mebangka if 1 PLN -ride-3 SG horse that like REL PART :use.boat ‘when we one ride that horse, it is as if one were sailing’ 194 [Postscript, p. 164] The difference between kana and kana anu is that the first expresses equality, the second similarity in a narrower sense. In many cases either kana or kana anu can be used, as seen in these examples. The literal meaning of kana anu ‘like someone who…’ is no longer sensed, witness examples such as: kana-mo anu omue anu weweu-o like- PERF REL 2 SG REL make-3 SG ‘it was just as if you had made it’ also kanamo omue…. For this last one can also say …kana kita anu mebangka ‘…it is as if we as when we, etc. were sailing’ or even kana ba topebangka ‘…it is as if we one were sailing’. 209. The relative pronoun is in itself logically neither definite nor indefinite but lies in-between, just as do the interrogative pronouns; see § 200. This is clear, for example, in English from the similarity of certain relative, interrogative and indefinite pronouns, e.g. who, what. It is still more clear in Indonesian languages which employ anu as a relativizer, in that this pronoun in the first place is indefinite in the meaning of ‘whatcha-ma-call-it’, ‘what’s-his-name’. When the relative pronoun anu is logical object of an action, in Mori the -in- forms are right in their place the same applies to the interrogative pronouns; see § 200, for example: kinaa anu n[in]ahu-no cooked.rice REL PASS :cook-3 SG . POS ‘the rice which was cooked by him’ kondehora anu h[in]awe-ku hieno deer REL PASS :meet-1 SG . POS near.past ‘the deer which was just encountered by me’ punti p[in]aho-do banana PASS :plant-3 PL . POS ‘the bananas which were planted by them’ However, anu is not always made the subject of the relative clause in this way. An -in-form, for example, cannot be used when the logical object of the verb of what in the translation must be a relative clause is INDEFINITE , regardless of whether or not use is made of anu. For example here hapa is mostly taken as indefinite: uwoi po-’inu-a-no water TRI -drink- NZR -3 SG . POS ‘the water from which he drank’ na-hina hapa-hapa ku-po-hawe NEG -exist REDP -what 1 SG - TRI -encounter ‘there is nothing which I have come across’ ba hapa u-po-hawe, po-wee-akami koa mamida’a INDEF what 2 SG - TRI -encounter TRI -give- APPL :1 PLX only 1 PLX . ADD ‘whatever you find, just give us from there too’ Also, a conjugated form always occurs after nahi ‘not’, namo or nami ‘not any longer’, and napo or napi ‘not yet’, so that cases such as: mia anu nahi ku-to’ori-o person REL NEG 1 SG -know-3 SG ‘someone whom I do not know’ cannot be expressed in the passive. The same applies to cases in which the verb of which anu is the object has yet another object. As a rule, these are verbs which have the suffix -ako in particular the suffix I-ako; see § 388 ff. after them. Examples are: kinaa anu i-binta-ako ira rice REL 3 SG -leave- APPL 3 PL ‘the cooked rice which she had left for them’ na-hina pata-do mia Walanda ke NEG -exist image-3 PL . POS person Dutch INTERROG anu komiu mo-pokita-akune? REL 2 PL . FUT PART : TRI -show- APPL :1 SG ‘are there no images photos of Dutchmen which you could show to me?’ Also whenever the suffix -ako occurs with adjectives it is sometimes not possible to derive a passive with -in- from such forms forms which when this suffix occurs can rightly be reckoned as verbs; see § 235. In that case however as a rule the suffixed personal pronoun a marker of the definiteness of the word to which it makes reference after -ako is usually omitted, 195 for example: hapa ke u-’aiwa-ako? 196 what INTERROG 2 SG -come- APPL ‘why for what, because of what have you come?’ sine onae-mo koa da do-n-tetala-ako io bangka-do but 3 SG . INDEP - PERF only still 3 PL - PL -hindered- APPL CN boat-3 PL . POS nahi do-m-poko-pae-o NEG 3 PL - PL - POTENT -drag-3 SG ‘but thereby alone were they held up, that they could not move their boat’ But in similar cases [p. 165] once in a while the pronoun suffix is used. It appears that a fixed rule cannot be given. Presumably the form without pronoun is the usual, and the occurrence of it in certain cases is to be ascribed to the strong requirement which the language has in general for pronominal cross-referencing of a definite object see 195 [Postscript, p. 164] What is said from here to the end of the paragraph is based on a mistaken examination, and therefore not entirely to be accepted. A better treatment and explanation of the concerned phenomenon the loss of the suffixed personal pronoun after -ako is to be found in § 394. What must be mentioned in this respect is that, when no -in-passive can be derived from an -ako-form and thus in cases such as referred to here a conjugated form must be employed, with omission of anu the pronominal cross-referencing of object with -ako is also omitted, on account of the close tie which exists in that case between the substantive and its attribute, for example: mia ku-tepo-hawe-ako andio hieno mia koa i inia andio person 1 SG - RECIP -meet- APPL this near.past person only at village this ‘the person encountered by me just now is just someone from this village’ Nevertheless, forms with -ako such as these appear to be of only very limited use perhaps they have been borrowed from another dialect. The sentence mia ku-teo-hawe-ako stands against mia anu ku-tepo-hawe-ako-no ‘the person whom I just now met with’, in which the modifying through the use of anu has turned into a self-standing subpart of the sentence a subordinate clause, so that kutepohaweakono is felt to be and constructed as predicate. A clausal element introduced by anu is on the way to developing into a relative clause, and once in a while then one also finds forms in which with such a verb a suffixed personal pronoun occurs indexing the subject see above § 143, for example: mia anu p[in]o-wee-o inisa person REL PASS : TRI -give-3 SG pestled.rice ‘someone to whom pestled rice has been given’ presumably only in cases such as this. In: bonde p[in]om-paho-ari-o osole field PASS : TRI -plant- LOC -3 SG corn ‘a field in which corn is planted’ and such, probably the tendency mentioned in § 379 toward using -ario has come into play. 196 [Postscript, p. 164] It is quite possible to use a passive construction here instead, i.e. hapa in-aiwa-ako-mu? below possibly also in connection with the complete equivalence of the constructions with and without anu, the latter of which is not required to be understood as a relative clause. 197 Also in Molongkuni and Impo as well as in other Upper Mori dialects in similar cases 198 the pronominal suffix is omitted with conjugated forms of transitive verbs, for example: m-pongee iro i Tamailonggo koa ro-m-poko-’alo nie PL -say 3 PL PN Tamailonggo only 3 PL - PL - POTENT -get this ‘they thought that they had taken Tamailonggo’ [Molongkuni] teliu i Tamailonggo l[um]undi-’o m-po-’use-’a, ho’io-to passed PN Tamailonggo PART :roll-3 SG CN - TRI -pound- NZR 3 SG . INDEP - PERF ro-men-tonda na uweli niroa 3 PL - PL -follow CN enemy these ‘in passing, Tamailonggo had set a rice mortar to rolling, THAT is what the enemies followed’ [Molongkuni] ndeema ku-lo um-alo? which 1 SG - FUT PART -get ‘which must I take?’ [Molongkuni] henu ndee-to ku-lo um-alo? REL which- PERF 1 SG - FUT PART -get ‘which must I take?’ [Impo] Occasionally one finds similar forms in Tinompo, but this is then Upper Mori influence. Compare: isua ba ku-’ala? which if 1 SG -get ‘which do I take?’ Whenever in cases in which an -in- form is possible a conjugated form is used, this should be considered as less correct Mori one can explain such cases from analogy, where as a rule with definiteness of object a conjugated form is used in which the object is cross-referenced pronominally; see above. Examples are: onae-mo anu aku k[um]aa-no 3 SG . INDEP - PERF REL 1 SG . FUT PART :eat-3 SG ‘he is the one I shall eat up’ 197 [footnote 1, p. 165] Compare: onae anu ku-masusa-ako-no 3 SG . INDEP REL 1 SG -have.grief- APPL -3 SG ‘that is it concerning which I have grief’, ‘over that I have grief’ According to some, the form with -no is especially used whenever onae makes reference to a person or persons, and is obliged to be without -no whenever it goes with things. In: anu tedoa ku-masusa-ako-no andio ana-ku mahaki andio REL very 1 SG -have.grief- APPL -3 SG this child-1 SG . POS sick this ‘that which I am very concerned about is that my child is sick’ the occurrence of -no can be clarified from this, that the actual reason of the anxiety is expressed by anaku mahaki andio, and these words immediately follow in the relative clause. 198 [Postscript, p. 165] Such as ensues from § 394, the phenomenon of the omission of object cross-referencing is something other than that which was mentioned previously in the preceding paragraph. ndio-mo owu anu ku-wela pake-o also: …anu wela aku pake-o be.here- PERF machete REL 1 SG -regularly use-3 SG ‘here is the machete which I regularly use’ watu anu do-wela mem-palu-o mia rock REL 3 PL -regularly PL -hammer-3 SG person ‘a rock boulder on which the people had hammered time and again’ But the corresponding passives are preferable: onae-mo anu ta k[in]aa-ku 3 SG . INDEP - PERF REL 3 SG . FUT PASS :eat-1 SG . POS ‘he is the one who shall be eaten by me’ ndio-mo owu anu wela p[in]ake-ku be.here- PERF machete REL regularly PASS :use-1 SG . POS ‘here is the machete which is used regularly by me’ watu anu wela p[in]alu-do mia rock REL regularly PASS :hammer-3 PL . POS person ‘a rock boulder which had been hammered time and again by people’ When the relative anu as subject follows a verb, it is, for the same reasons given above in § 200, never a conjugated but always a participial form, except when the relative clause contains one of the negatives nahi ‘not’, napo or napi ‘not yet’ and namo or nami ‘not any more’, for example: mia anu nahi to’ori aku person REL NEG know 1 SG ‘someone who does not know me’ omue-po anu na-p-u hawe 2 SG . INDEP - INCOMP REL NEG - INCOMP -2 SG come ‘only still you are the one who has not yet come’ Dialectal forms and derivations. 210. Isema consists of the article i, an element se and a particle ma, known from among other places Mori and Makasarese. The element se can be a contraction of sai, a form encountered in many languages Adriani Adriani- Gunning 1908:327 ff.. In Upper Mori however they have isia Molio’a, Tambee and—which evidently arose from it—isea Impo, Molongkuni, and others. In isia the final -a could be [p. 166] the questioning element, compare Sangirese suá’, next to Bantik, Sangirese, Talaud suapa, Bentenan soapa ‘where?’. This is far from certain, however, as repeatedly the interrogative meaning is secondary in forms used as question words. Just as sai is compounded from certain deictic elements, 199 anu occurs in Tagalog and au in Bimanese in the meaning ‘what?’ Jonker 1896:275 ff.. And occurring next to Pu’u-mboto a Pamona dialect wei ‘this’ are Ampana sawei, siwei ‘how many?’ and mawei ‘how?’ Pamona sangkuja and makuja from kuja ‘what?’. Sia and sai are furthermore difficult to separate. The Padoe say inei or ainei see § 167, compare Bungku, Mandar inai. This word is probably formed with the element in- see § 167. Next to ainei, aineio is also used. 200 199 [footnote 1, p. 166] See Adriani 1931; compare also Bungku ai ‘this, these’. 200 [footnote 2, p. 166] From this it appears that in sentences with isema, hapa and the such, a third person must be considered virtually present see § 143, subsection b; compare also § 167, last paragraph, and § 195, first paragraph. That it is not without significance is to be observed from § 173 among other places. In hapa Watu hapo the h could very well have arisen from s; it thus corresponds in all probability with Tontemboan sapa see Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:255 ff.. In Upper Mori they use pio Padoe, Karunsi’e mbio, which can be identified with the Tinompo stem opia in compounds pia ‘how many?’ Javanese pira, compare Watu-Karunsi’e opio, Upper Mori popio ‘how many’ however, the form pia also occurs in these dialects in compounding. The stem pia also occurs in other question words, for example Mori indi’ipia, te’ipia, Pamona impia ‘when?’. 201 From pio are also derived the general Mori words tembio see § 204 and mombio. The latter means ‘do what?’ 202 and can be used transitively as well as intransitively, for example cf. also § 23: kana’umpe ke omue, Tandawilatu, u-mbio-o how INTERROG 2 SG . INDEP Woodpecker 2 SG -do.what-3 SG ulu-mu ka i-motaha? head-2 SG . POS and 3 SG -red ‘how is it after all with you, Woodpecker, what did you do to your head anyway, that it is red?’ Isua can correspond with Sangirese suá’, see above in Tontemboan so is used for ‘where?’. The Upper Mori say inderio except for Molongkuni isua and Impo ndesua, which is compounded from inde and rio compare Pamona lairia ‘there’; rio can be further analyzed into ri + o. The first corresponds with Javanese ndi and occurs in general in Upper Mori in the meaning ‘which’. In the various dialects: ‘which?’ Molio’a: inde’e, henu indeema Matangkoro: indee 203 Molongkuni: ndeema Impo: henu ndeema Tambee: henu ndeea Padoe: undee The Molio’a also use inde’e for ‘where?’. For ‘how’ mostly a word is used which literally translated means ‘like where?’, that is to say ‘like which?’ see § 208, thus Padoe helindee, Karunsi’e ndeembio cf. §§ 192 and 194, Pamona ewambe’i, etc. From this it remains to be concluded that umpe must also mean ‘where’ or ‘which’, and then it is obvious to bring to mind umba, which in the Kaili languages means ‘where?’. The form umba, however, can hardly be separated from Parigi iwa, Pamona imba priestly register, so that umpe provisionally remains unexplained, at least as far as the p is concerned 204 as for the vowels, the form ompe could very well have originated secondarily, likewise ampe, which can be explained as vowel assimilation to the a’s of kana. For ‘how?’ the Upper Mori say ehende, from ehe + ndee. The latter has already been [p. 167] spoken of. The partial ehe- can be equated, it appears, with the element mentioned in § 198, which has a function in certain demonstratives. 201 [Postscript, p. 166] Pamona impia or ipia ‘when?’ corresponds with Mori ipia ‘how many nights?’ § 281, which supports the derivation of the Mori forms with i- given on p. 280 ff. 202 [Postscript, p. 166] As adjectives mombio and mombio-bio mean ‘how’. 203 [Postscript, p. 166] Indee is also something like Malay coba Tinompo sua nde tuu, isua da’a, see above. 204 [Postscript, p. 166] Though surely umpe and umba reflect an alternation of p and w cf. § 254. Compare Bonerate di maumpa ‘where’. In the other Mori dialects, the equivalents of Tinompo indi’ipia and te’ipia are nothing other than cognates of these words: ‘when?’ past Molio’a: inepie, inipie Molongkuni: nepie other Upper Mori: inipie Padoe: indipie Watu, Tiu: inipia ‘when?’ future Molio’a: te’ipie Molongkuni: te’epie other Upper Mori: te’ipie Padoe: te’epie Moiki: te’impia For anu the Upper Mori say henu, which presumably has originated from si anu cf. Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:256. Watu and Karunsi’e use hanu, where thus the i disappeared in the same way as in hapa, Tontemboan sapa. 216 [p. 168] CHAPTER FIVE. SUBSTANTIVE CONSTRUCTIONS AND CONJUGATION OF INTRANSITIVES, ETC. 1 ——————— 211. In Pamona wide use is made of the so-called substantive construction. Below it shall be shown that this also must have been the case in Mori at one time. That it is otherwise at present is to be ascribed to a phenomenon which can be designated ‘shift of the gerund into a finite verb form’ and which one also encounters in Pamona. In this language the situation is particularly clear, because in Pamona both ways of expression still stand next to each other. Very briefly therefore I first give an overview of the phenomenon which is to be observed in Pamona in this area. The substantive construction referred to here in general follows this schema, namely where English has: subject – predicate – object – adverb Pamona has instead: adjective – nexus substantive 2 + possessive pronoun – object for adverb or substantive in the genitive for subject plus predicate For example where English has ‘he admonishes his child well’, Pamona expresses this as ‘good is his admonishing his child’, similarly for ‘he is severely sick’ Pamona has the equivalent of ‘severe is his sickness’. At present the above-mentioned ‘transposition’ in Pamona is possible only in certain cases, namely as a rule only with verbal nouns of transitive verbs, and only in special circumstances with verbal nouns of intransitives and abstracts of adjectives. 3 Some examples of the former category are compare respectively the verbal forms madika ‘put, place, set’, marata ‘find, meet’ and mampowia ‘make, construct, erect’: risaa padika-mu = risaa nu-padika where set-2 SG . POS where 2 SG -set ‘where did you put it?’ impia parata-mu papa-mu = impia nu-parata papa-mu when meet-2 SG . POS father-2 SG . POS when 2 SG -meet father-2 SG . POS ‘when did you meet your father?’ 1 [footnote 1, p. 168] For the conjugation of transitives with definite object, see § 151. 2 [footnote 2, p. 168] Under the heading nexus-substantive Jespersen 1924:133 ff. includes both verbal nouns and abstracts of adjectives. 3 [Postscript, p. 168] See Adriani 1931:439 where in the fifteenth line from the bottom the words ‘and ka-forms’ must be scrapped because these forms except in the imperative and the conjunctive can then only be added when a verb with mangka- can be derived from the relevant base. Alternatively the latter naturally goes back to a substantive derivation with ka-. For that matter the same applies mutatis mutandis to the intransitives thus nu-pangkoni belongs with mampangkoni, etc.. ewambe’i pampowia-mu toyo setu? = ewambe’i nu-pampowia toyo setu? how make-2 SG . POS mousetrap that how 2 SG -make mousetrap that ‘how did you make the mousetrap?’ As one can see, in this way new finite forms arise in Pamona [p. 169] which have a verbal noun as the stem and thus, whenever it is derived from a transitive, contains the prefix pa-. So a difference such as between: ira anu nu-koni leaf REL 2 SG -eat ‘the leaves greens which you ate’ ira anu nu-pang-koni leaf REL 2 SG - TRANS -eat ‘the leaves off of which from which you ate’ in other words, ‘the leaves which you used as a small plate for your food’ arises from ‘the leaves which are your place-of-eating’. With these examples the phenomenon is adequately characterized, so that we can now proceed on to Mori. 212. As a rule where Pamona employs a substantive construction, in Mori a finite or conjugated form is used. The development of the conjugated form must, as far as the main point is concerned, have taken place in the same way as in Pamona, but in Mori it has advanced further. The ‘transposition’ from substantive construction to construction-with-conjugated-form has occurred not only with verbal nouns of verbs, but also with abstracts of adjectives. Thus next to the usual conjugated forms of transitive verbs § 151, there have also arisen finite forms of adjectives, intransitives and transitives with indefinite objects to be considered as one category with intransitives; see § 221. All these forms can be called conjugated forms. Also in Mori one cannot always place a substantive construction next to the ‘transposed’ construction such as one can in Pamona. In some cases this is quite possible, but nevertheless the rule is that the substantive construction is supplanted by the construction with ‘transposition’. Thus when examples of the latter are given in § 213, it is not the intention that they go back to substantive constructions one-to-one; they serve only as illustrations of a type of construction originating from ‘transposition’. 4 Furthermore an important point of difference with Pamona is that in Mori a distinction is made between transitives with definite objects versus transitives with indefinite objects see § 221. Forms which are analogous to Pamona nu-padika thus with a prefix coming from the verbal noun are only made of intransitives i.e. transitives 4 [Postscript, p. 168] Only one case is known to me in which conjugated forms of intransitives appear not to go back to transposed substantive constructions, at any rate syntactically they line up with that of the transitives, and apparently owe their origin to analogy, namely in sentences in which something is said of the first person plural inclusive in the meaning of ‘one…’ which applies in general, and which are preceded by and in construction correspond with conditional subordinate clauses with the same object, occurring in conjugated forms, for example: ba to-lako a n-tobu, to-po-’ungke moiko-a-no ba to-lako if 1 PLN -go in LG -forest 1 PLN - TRI -seek good- NZR -3 SG . POS if 1 PLN -go ‘if one goes in the forest, one seeks a good way’ ba to-m-pelere, to-m-po-’ungke wita anu moiko if 1 PLN - PL -have.rice.field 1 PLN - PL - TRI -seek earth REL good ‘if we set in a rice field, we seek out good ground’ pihe na ana-’ana niroa ro-men-sikeno-’o-to i ine-ro once CN REDP -child these 3 PL - PL -ask-3 SG - PERF PN mother-3 PL . POS ba nggo ehende to-lo melere; tensui ine-ro nie if then how 1 PLN - FUT PART :have.rice.field answer mother-3 PL . POS this mongee: to-po-wusu na wute henu madoo da’a PART :say 1 PL - TRI -look.for CN earth REL fertile INTENS ‘Once the children asked their mother how it is how one does if one sets in a dry rice field. Their mother answered: one seeks out fertile land.’ [Molongkuni] with indefinite objects. When the verb in question has a DEFINITE object, then only the usual conjugated verb form such as described in § 151 can be used. Another point of difference with Pamona is the use in Mori of the suffix -a denoting place and also time, which has been lost in Pamona so that the verbal noun there now also denotes the PLACE or the TIME of the action in question, and thus has a very broad function the same applies mutatis mutandis to the abstracts of adjectives. This point, however, can be left out of consideration here, because a Mori conjugated form, whether or not arising from ‘transposition’ of a substantive construction, never occurs with a suffix -a excepting of course the few cases in which -a belongs to the secondary stem; see Chapter 2. A finite form originating from ‘transposition’ can be expected of a plural-marked form, just as with other conjugated and unconjugated forms. See § 222 ff. [p. 170] A few things shall become more clear through examples. These are to be divided into three categories in which in each case a conjugated form, originating from a transposed substantive construction, occurs: A. Sentences with a transitive verb and definite object.