As has already emerged in §§ 35, 37, 40, 44 and 48, IN

Likewise in many cases uy became i via ui, but there are also a number of words in which ui remains preserved; see § 41, where the origin of i from yu is also discussed. Just as in Pamona, y elided in Mori before or after an e or i, or rather was replaced by a glide sound of the same quality. So for example in opia ‘how many’ for opiya; uai ‘younger brother or sister’ for tuayi see §§ 61 and 101; rui ‘thorn’ for ruyi § 92 α; pae ‘field rice, unpestled rice’ for paye § 101, etc. A y was lost in other positions as well, for example in Upper Mori kau ‘wood’, Malay kayu, for which Tinompo and Watu have keu. An original l sometimes developed into a y in Pamona this development is very common, which y naturally could not remain preserved. So in eosi ‘kind of tree’, Pamona yosi, Tontemboan lo’sip, lausip, and also probably in a number of examples of the R-L-D law see § 103. A y has also sometimes been omitted in borrowed words, e.g. in pau for payung ‘umbrella, parasol’ mostly people say sau pau, where sau means ‘sun hat’, and in Padoe mobara ‘pay’, which appears to go back to Makasarese bayara’ or a similar form in some other language. It is also replaced by i, as in iari ‘yard’, malaiu ‘Malay’. Schwa.

105. As has already emerged in §§ 35, 37, 40, 44 and 48, IN

ĕ can be replaced in Mori by any of the vowels a, e, i, o, or u. However, o is the usual reflex. The reflex i and the e originating therefrom is not frequent, and where u occurs it is entirely to be explained from context § 48. Concerning the way schwa in borrowed words is handled, no fixed rule is to be given. Often one finds an a in the place of such an ĕ, however one must bear in mind that many words which appear to be borrowed from Malay or Dutch etc. have in reality been borrowed from Bugis, in which language schwa tends toward a, and which moreover itself has borrowed many such [p. 70] words from Makasarese, which replaces ĕ by a. Thus one finds galu ‘forest of rattan’, paramata ‘precious stone’, parakara mostly bastardized to karakara ‘official business’, momparesa ‘investigate’, etc. back in Bugis g ĕllung, paramata, parakara, and paressa, and this makes one suspect that words such as paramisi ‘leave to go away’ and the such have been borrowed from Bugis or from some Buginese language, see footnote 56, or—what amounts to the same thing—from the mouth of a Bugis person. For that matter, Moluccan Malay sometimes has a in the place of Malay ĕ, especially in prefixes. Thus tabua ‘exile, punish with imprisonment outside of Mori’ is not Malay t ĕrbuang, but Moluccan Malay tabuang. Nevertheless, the preference for a is not always required to be explained in this way, compare harandisi ‘corvée’ Dutch herendienst, tarapedo ‘dynamite’, sarasaa ‘sergeant’ and the such regarding this last, see also below. In Minse, for the Dutch name Mientje, final schwa has become e. The vowels which are inserted in borrowed words to make the consonants pronounceable Mori does not allow consonant sequences do not originate from ĕ, but nevertheless take the place of it. Almost always such a vowel is in concord with a neighboring vowel, sometimes with a neighboring consonant. Examples are: belee ‘tin’, perei ‘free from corvée’, solopi ‘packet of cigarettes’, bangkuru ‘bankrupt’, mere ‘brand, make’, potolo ‘pencil’, lansikapu or lansakapu ‘region’, simporo ‘lamp chimney’, etc., compare respectively Dutch blik, vrij, slof, bankroet, merk, potlood, landschap and Malay s ĕmprong. Compare also Beruse, the name of an European child, Dutch Broertje. It is naturally not excluded that a number of these words have been borrowed via Bugis or some other Buginese language, even if such words are not mentioned in the Bugis Dictionary. For ‘cigar’, Mori speakers usually say sorutu or surutu, but also sometimes serutu. That serutu ‘cigar’ is pronounced with an e where Malay has schwa is presumably a consequence of it being a spelling pronunciation in Malay spelled serutu, in the same way that horosee ‘cigarette’ originated from English horse, one of the usual cigarette brands. In both cases the forms of these words reflect the pronunciation which they must have had in the mouths of the traveling Malay, Bugis, etc. speakers from whom the terms were borrowed. 68 [p. 71] CHAPTER TWO. REDUPLICATION. ——————— 106. Word and syllable reduplication must be treated together because at the core they are one and the same phenomenon: syllable reduplication is a shortening of word reduplication Adriani Adriani-Gunning 1908:42; compare Mori mompewolo-wolo or mompewowolo ‘ponder about something’, etc.. Full word repetition occurs only with two-syllable words; if a word consists of three or more syllables, then only the first two syllables are repeated. These two rules apply to words without prefixes. If a prefix occurs, then there are two possibilities: a only the primary or secondary stem 1 is repeated, or b the prefix or as the case may be, the prefix which does not compose part of the secondary stem 2 and the first syllable of the stem primary or secondary are repeated. The first is the rule with verbs however, for cases of verbs with which the prefix shares in being repeated, see below §§ 110–111; the second is more commonly the case with adjectives, where the connection between stem and prefix is much closer than with verbs see especially § 249. As far as one-syllable reduplication is concerned, regularly the first syllable of the stem is reduplicated with its original vowel, except if it is a, in which case then the vowel of the reduplicated syllable is always o examples follow below. Of adjectives, again either the first syllable of the stem, or the prefix is reduplicated. 107. In Mori, just as in other Indonesian languages, in general reduplication has either a frequentative durative, strengthening or a mitigating diminishing force. As shall appear below, in which of these two functions the phenomenon of reduplication serves, is in either case definite. The special nuance which many times is supplied by reduplication, however, is not to be contained in a formula, as in any particular case the meaning of reduplication is modified by the nature of the stem or by other circumstances see below § 108. Also, reduplication is not always to be rendered in translation. [p. 72] REDUPLICATION WITH NOUNS. 108. With independent nouns, two-syllable reduplication is the rule. In general the meaning is diminishing, mitigating. Substantives formed with two- or one-syllable reduplication mostly mean ‘something which resembles what the stem-word denotes, a false…, a pseudo-…, a … in miniature’. For example:  mia-mia ‘a doll, a depiction of a person’, compare mia ‘person’ 1 [Translator’s note: Apparently as used by Esser, a secondary stem is a derived stem. A primary stem is an underived stem. Thus in mepalindo ‘play’, palindo is a secondary stem because it contains the causative prefix pa-. In mewuni ‘hide oneself’, wuni is a primary stem because it is underived. In both these cases, me- is a prefix which does not belong to the primary or secondary stem. Esser’s criteria for distinguishing affixes which belong to the secondary stem such as pa-, and those which do not belong to the primary or secondary stem such as me- are never entirely spelled out, though the distinction is important to him in discussing reduplication patterns. See further footnote 1 p. 71, footnote 2 p. 76, and footnote 3, p. 76.] 2 [footnote 1, p. 71] I do not know of any examples in which more than one prefix or as the case may be, more than one syllable of a compound prefix not belonging to the secondary stem, is repeated. [Postscript, p. 71] Examples such as alluded to here include mompoko-pokodoito ‘make a bit afraid’, tepo-tepokakahani ‘more or less able to get along with each other’, and mambe-mambe’ehe ‘to a certain extent sort of like each other’.  mala-mala ‘arm ring of celluloid, or something similar, a pseudo-mala’, compare mala ‘copper, brass, cast brass arm ring’  enu-’enu ‘necklace of beads’, compare enu ‘necklace of gold’  bose-bose ‘shoulder blade, what resembles a bose oar’  raha-raha ‘offering table’, compare raha ‘house, shed’, originally probably meaning ‘floor’  lai-laika ‘a small laika small hut’  bonde-bonde ‘small garden plot’  sangka-sangka ‘small articles’, ‘small things’ or something similar, compare sangka ‘goods, clothes, stuff’ 3  kede-kede, lau-lau ‘little boy’, compare kede, lahu ‘penis’ Watu, Karunsi’e  sele-sele, tee-tee ‘little girl’, compare sele ‘vagina’ Karunsi’e compare § 87  dahu-dahu ‘a kind of bat’, compare dahu ‘dog’ 4  Puhe-puhe Wulaa ‘Golden Navel’ the name of a prince with a golden umbilical cord For maama ‘uncle’ and naina ‘aunt’, see § 81. This kind of reduplication is especially at home in riddles, for example:  bonti-bonti ri 5 wana mong-kaa kapipi-no REDP -wild.pig at forest PART : TRI -eat covering-3 SG . POS ‘a “wild pig” in the forest ate of his covering’ answer: hulu ‘a torch’ 3 [from main text, p. 73] Compare: luwu-no pinotuwu-no ka sangka-sangka-no i-’ula ira all-3 SG . POS domesticated.animal-3 SG . POS and REDP -thing-3 SG . POS 3 SG -load 3 PL ‘he loaded up all his animals and goods’ Without doubt the word sangka is formed from two prefixes, sa- and ka-, which together have taken on an independent existence, but which originally must have been placed before another word. Actually, in this way an aggregate of certain things was denoted, where the kind of things was further specified by the following term e.g. sangka wulaa ‘objects of gold’. For that matter, sangka is also an adjective with the meaning ‘complete, fully present’ and in Padoe ‘sufficient, ample’. For this last meaning Tinompo speakers use sompo, Upper Mori speakers sombo compare § 26. The word sompo is formed in the same manner as sangka from sa- and po-, and also means ‘each’, ‘every’ and ‘everywhere’, in the last two meanings often with reduplication see § 291. 4 [Postscript, p. 72] As A. Kruyt has written, “In Central Celebes there is a species of large bat, named asu mpongke in Lower Mori named dahu-dahu. People say that this animal is the lord of the dogs, but at the same time they regard it as a manifestation of the werewolf. Whenever the asu mpongke screeches or makes a barking sound, people say that it has come to fetch someone’s soul” 1920:50. [from main text, p. 72] Compare: anu momaru a n-tuwu ng-keu, onae-mo anu k[in]aa-no REL PART :climb at LG -top LG -tree 3 SG . INDEP - PERF REL PASS :eat-3 SG . POS ue-no dahu-dahu anu t[um]owoki ira andio lord-3 SG . POS k.o.bat REL PART :meet 3 PL this ‘the one who climbed into the tree was the one who was eaten by the lord of the dahu-dahu who met them coming on the way’  ate-’ate-no raha nahi hori pingko REDP -liver-3 SG . POS house NEG ever used.up ‘the house’s “liver” has never been used up’ answer: araha ‘a whetstone’ The repetition of substantives and verbs is often used when one speaks fondly, warmly or modestly, e.g. with the addressing of family members aka-’aka, ua-’uai ‘brother’, with making requests see p. 77, note 1, and p. 111, line 5 from the bottom, when one speaks of his own possessions oso-’osole mami ‘our corn’. literally ‘our poor corn’, ‘our bit of corn’ or something similar, etc. Very often such forms are used toward children, likewise in stories one often uses reduplicated names of animals, etc., which adds a touch of sweetness. Reduplication is also used this way with verbs, e.g. ku-pe’o’ana-o for ku-pe’ana-o 1 SG -give.birth-3 SG ‘I had him as my child’, ku-pekokaria-o for ku-pekaria-o ‘I raised him up, I fed him’ in both cases, when one speaks fondly of such a one, etc. Perhaps also the reduplication in mompehohawa ‘have pity on, be sympathetic’ of a superior to an inferior, mompekokono ‘be in love with’ and the such is to be explained in this way. Sometimes a word is used which occurs only in a reduplicated form, e.g.:  elu-’elu actually adjective ‘orphan’ perhaps actually ‘little orphan’, compare Pamona ilu ‘orphaned’  dio-dio ‘tintinnabulum, the ringing of bells’  paa-paa ‘crow’  kara-kara ‘small hornbill’ As illustrated in the last three examples, reduplication is often encountered in onomatopoeia. The same also crops up in certain adjectives, such as:  koru-koru ‘to crack’ said of something which one eats 6  runtu-runtu, said of the sound of footsteps  u’uru, said of the sound of fire Unlike with dio-dio, paa-paa and kara-kara, however, the stems koru, runtu and uru can also occur in their unreduplicated form, compare for example poloruntu, said of a dull sound which suddenly makes itself heard regarding the prefix polo-, see § 356, me’uru ‘to moan, groan’, and the cases mentioned in § 249. I consider the word u’uni ‘the sound of living beings, especially birds’—next to uni [p. 73] ‘sound in general’—to be the verbal noun of umu’uni ‘give a sound, make one’s sound heard’. Finally, mention must be made of a single case of the name of a work tool formed with reduplication, namely sisiru ‘landing net’, from monsiru ‘scoop’. This kind of formation, so frequent in Philippine languages, is thus no more present in Mori as it is in Pamona, but is limited at the present stage of both languages to exceptional cases. When use is made of reduplication with substantives to indicate plurality, this is a detestable Malayism. People especially speak of guru-guru ‘teachers’, kapala-kapala ‘village heads’, ntua-ntua for tuan-tuan ‘Europeans’ and the such. 5 [Postscript, p. 72] The word ri is Bugis, Pamona, or the such. One often finds words from related languages used in riddles and poetry. 6 [from footnote 1, p. 72] As in, for example: mansa-no r[um]onge-o koru-koru-o-mo, borono i-pewinso i Tehu at.once-3 SG . POS PART :hear-3 SG REDP -crack-3 SG - PERF then 3 SG -enter PN Rat ‘when he heard the crack-crack when he heard that it had cracked, Rat went in’ REDUPLICATION WITH VERBS. 109. The meaning of reduplication with verbs can in very many cases be described as plural. Various nuances of this ‘plural’ meaning are to be distinguished, however, the foremost of which are: a the reciprocal. Herewith see the treatment of the prefixes me-, mambe-, etc. in Chapter 12. b the frequentative. c the durative namely, whenever an action is performed uninterrupted over a certain period of time, or a certain state or condition persists. Once again it is to be abundantly demonstrated that no sharp border is to be drawn between these various ‘meanings’. The intended nuance depends on the meaning of the stem and on context. Often the same form can be used to denote sometimes this nuance, sometimes some other nuance. Examples:  po-tuwu-akita luwu mia atuu-do raane CAUS -live- APPL :1 PLN all people that-3 PL . POS go.thither.level ka i-hina koa te-tena-a-to. 7 and 3 SG -exist just REDP -order- NZR -1 PLN . POS ‘cause all the people there for us to live, so that there are ones on whom we can continually place commands’  gaagi umari-ro-po mem-po-pau-’o a mate-no therefore finish-3 PL . POS - INCOMP PL - REDP -speak-3 SG CN die-3 SG . POS kalamboro isie, ka ro-’amba me-sampa-’o people.eater that and 3 PL -then PL -divide.into.pieces-3 SG a bonti p[in]oko-’alo-ro isie. CN wild.pig PASS : POTENT -get-3 PL . POS that ‘next when they had finished speaking about all the circumstances relating to the death of the people- eater, they cut the wild pig which they had captured into pieces’ [Impo] The verb mompau means ‘inform, speak about’; mompopau ‘id.’ but used when the conversation goes over a number of things. The verb mompopau can also mean ‘speak continuously about one thing’, and further ‘relate, narrate’, in which case it is treated as any ordinary verb. In this case a new reduplicated form can be further derived from it, namely mompopopau which then actually contains a double reduplication; see further § 304. [p. 74]  i-m-pekule-mo ka i-pau-ako ira ue-miu, tampula 2 PL - PL -return- PERF and 2 PL -tell- APPL 3 PL lord-2 PL . POS finish ipitu ka i-me-’aiwa-mo me-’ala aku, seven.nights and 2 PL - PL -come- PERF PL -get 1 SG i-ko-konai-o-mo nggoli-a-no dopi 3 SG - REDP -meet-3 SG - PERF turn.over- NZR -3 SG . POS plank ‘return back and say to your lord, that you must come and get me after seven days, which coincides with the conclusion of the woke-feast’ lit., ‘the turning over of the planks’, which one uses with this feast; see J. Kruyt 1924:202–211 7 [Postscript, p. 73] The form tetenaato can also mean ‘on whom we can place small commands, send on small errands’, and is presumably then a shortening of the likewise possible formation tena-tenaato which on other occasions does indeed occur, as montetena means ‘often, continuously give commands’ versus montena-tena. The verb mongkokonai means ‘precisely, accidentally meet up with something’, while mongkonai has the general meaning of ‘meet, encounter, meet up with, come to, reach’.  kongko-no-mo rani andio t [um]o-tonda-o mia andio remain-3 SG . POS - PERF forest.gnome this PART : REDP -follow-3 SG person this i bungku-no wela me-bo-batu a sampa rombia at back-3 SG . POS constantly PART : INTR - REDP -hack at branch sago ‘the forest gnome kept following this man lit., in the back, continually giving hacks to sago palm branches’  mebatu-batu ‘hack many times, give many hacks’ intransitive  melonso-lonso ‘jump about repeatedly, jump many times, etc.’  momaru-maru ‘climb frequently in trees’ as for example a young boy does to amuse himself The weakening meaning—that of ‘not truly…’ see below—and the frequentative are here not to be separated no more than in other of the given examples, because in momaru-maru we also find the flavor of ‘without definite aim keep clambering in trees’. 8 Compare also:  wunta atuu i-beri-beri-o paper that 3 SG - REDP -tear-3 SG ‘he shred that paper book, article, etc. into small pieces’ The durative meaning occurs in the following examples:  sumusumpi ‘shoot the blowgun sumpi as an occupation’  medingge-dingge ‘limp’, said of a lame person who is occupied with going; compare modingge ‘lame, crippled’  metumbo-tumbo ase ‘support one’s chin ase on the hand’, compare montumbo ‘prop up, support’  mekopu-kopu aro ‘hold one’s arms crossed in front of the chest’; compare mongkopui ‘embrace, contain’ and aro ‘front side’  metudo-tudo aa, also metudo-tudo ntonga ‘with an arm or the arms propped on one’s side’; compare montudo ‘prop’ as for example a fall-down window tinudo, in order to hold it open, aa ‘the narrowing above the hips, the loins the side of the middle’, and tonga ‘center, middle’.  mompewolo-wolo, mompewowolo ‘reflect on, think about, consider’ [p. 75]  mo’i’ini, practically the same as mo’ini ‘hold fast’  merurungku ‘sickly, unhealthy’; 9 compare morungku ‘thin, scrawny’ 8 [footnote 1, p. 74] If such a nuance is not intended, then one can, for example, make use of wela ‘repeatedly, continually’, such as in: sompo wongi do-wela lako m-ponako lo’ia-do Datu every night 3 PL -continually go PL -steal ginger-3 PL . POS Monarch ‘every night they regularly went and stole of the “ruler’s” ginger’ See also the use of wela in the fourth example preceding. 9 [footnote 1, p. 75] Here me- has the meaning of ‘strive to…, have a tendency toward…’; compare § 312 ff.  metindo-tindodo mebee ‘cry spasmodically’; compare tindodo ‘have cramps’, also a course word for ‘dead’  mo’ia-’ia, the same as mo’ia ‘stay, remain, etc.’ compare § 110  nahi tehine hawe-o-mo rani beine anu NEG long.time encounter-3 SG - PERF forest.gnome female REL wela l[um]ungka-o wuwu-no mia andio, continually PART :lift-3 SG fish.trap-3 SG . POS person this i-bo-baba-o ana-no 3 SG - REDP -carry.on.back-3 SG child-3 SG . POS ‘it wasn’t long before the female forest gnome who always lifted the man’s trap came upon it, carrying her child upon her back’ The same phenomenon is encountered with ko- and a reduplicated stem; see § 345 ff. Compare also:  kuli-no-to koa no-’ale-o ana-’ana nie, no-’ale-o skin-3 SG . POS - PERF just 3 SG -get-3 SG REDP -child this 3 SG -get-3 SG me-talemba-’ako; gaagi te’alo oto me-lenta-lenta PART : INTR -jacket- APPL therefore have.ability 3 SG - PERF PART : INTR - REDP -jump hele bange like monkey ‘this youth took its the monkey’s skin and used it as a jacket talemba; in this way he obtained the ability to jump like a monkey’ [Molongkuni] Here melenta-lenta is used, as the youth was thenceforth able to make monkey leaps, not just for a single time. Note reduplication with prenasalization in:  mompensinsiroi ‘look down on for some time’; compare mompensiroi ‘look down on’ And with a compound verb stem:  mewua-wua rui ‘occupied with seeking raspberries wua rui’, where this does not mean ‘seek small raspberries’ or the like In this way a great number of verbs with one- or two-syllable reduplication originate in Mori, the meaning of which often differs very little from the unexpanded form. Naturally Mori also has a number of verbs of which only the form with reduplication is in use. The origin of reduplication is equally not always easy to trace, as with mekikinaa ‘graze’ compare kinaa ‘food, especially cooked rice’, mo’itu-’itu ‘journey around, go around in this sense’, and molio-lio ‘go around, wander’. The Karunsi’e forms mongkikii and monsusue ‘see’ are curious—and at the same time illustrative—examples of the way in which one- and two-syllable reduplication can develop. From mongkita ‘see’, Tinompo speakers have both mongkikita ‘look at something for some time durative’ and mongkita-kita, either ‘look at for a while durative’ or ‘look at for a moment mitigating’, but neither very different from mongkita in the meaning ‘look at, watch’. In Karunsi’e, however, mongkikii for mongkikita; compare § 31 is the usual word for ‘see’, while mongkii has been lost. In the same way these people say monsusue for Tinompo monsue ‘see’. 110. On the other hand, however, there also occur forms which must be translated with ‘as it were, quasi, not truly do what the verb without [p. 76] two-syllable reduplication denotes’. 10 Between this and the above mentioned functions lie various nuances, which we can sometimes translate in our language by using words such as ‘just’, ‘a 10 [footnote 1, p. 76] This development is in general is very common with frequentative formations. little bit’, ‘somewhat’ and the like. In some cases hereunder one has to do with fixed formations for the names of games and of performances which people do for play or by way of amusement, for example:  monahu-nahu ‘make as if one is cooking’, such as with children who are playing; compare monahu ‘cook’  memia-mia mate said of children who ‘play dead’, i.e. one holds himself dead mompemate-mate, the others do what they have seen the elders do with a corpse; compare mia mate ‘dead person, corpse’ 11  me’amba-’ambau ‘play carabao’, i.e. one child crawls on hands and knees kumokarambau, while a smaller child sits on him or her. Compare in this connection the mompe- forms treated in § 335  mewuni-wuni ‘play hide-and-seek’; compare mewuni ‘hide oneself’ Related directly herewith are forms such as:  me’api-’api ‘play with fire api’  me’uwo-’uwoi ‘play with water uwoi’  mebaho-baho ‘make oneself wet with water in sport’, compare mebaho ‘bathe oneself’  si polombo-lombo ‘don’t get things wet’; compare molombo ‘wash’ Also related to the definition given at the beginning of this section are forms such as:  metiso-tiso, said of a child that keeps stretching out his arms as if pointing to something; compare montiso ‘point’  mesimi-simi ‘peep through the cracks mesimi a bit’  melempa-lempa ‘go melempa a bit, somewhat go around without definite aim, wander’  me’ole-’oleo ‘wander, sit, etc. in the sun oleo’; for other me- forms of this nature meaning ‘move in, through, over, etc., that which is denoted by the stem’, see further § 320  mepua-puai ‘unnecessarily expose oneself to the sun’; compare mompuai ‘expose something to the sun, dry something in the sun’  ku-kulisi-o ka ku-’amba me-pua-puai-ako-no 1 SG -remove.skin-3 SG and 1 SG -then PART : INTR - REDP -dry.in.sun- APPL -3 SG ‘I skinned it and then went and stood with it in the sun for a while’  moturi-turi ‘sleep or lie a bit’  mo’ia-’ia ‘stay a bit, remain after when others depart, stay seated’ compare § 109 where it was suggested that mo’ia-’ia also has durative meaning 11 [Postscript, p. 76] In this case there is no verbal form without reduplication, i.e. memia mate is not said. The same applies of certain other verbal forms with reduplication which are likewise derived from substantives.  isua nde tuu lako ala-’ala-akita ka where PTCL be.there go REDP -get- APPL :1 PLN and to-kita-kita-o ba kana’umpe rupa-no 1 PLN - REDP -see-3 SG if how form-3 SG . POS ‘come on then, go fetch it for us, so that we can inspect it and see how it looks’  onae-mo ka i-pe-nani-nani i-potae: 3 SG . INDEP - PERF and 3 SG - INTR - REDP -sing 3 SG -say tahu-mo i Wula me-nggena-nggena kami be.up.there- PERF PN Moon PART : INTR - REDP -same 1 PLX ‘then he sang softly, then he hummed with the words: above is Moon, we are like unto each other’ 111. Another meaning of two-syllable reduplication with verbs is that of ‘try to do what the verb without reduplication denotes’. So far as is known to me, in this case one-syllable reduplication is never used. A further formal differentiation between these forms and those treated in the previous section is this, that when prefixes not belonging to the secondary stem 12 occur, these take part in reduplication. 13 Mostly these forms are used in the imperative:  ai-’aiwa ‘try to come’ 14 [p. 77]  lako-lako ‘try to go’  poma-pomaru ‘try to climb’  pele-pelelu ‘try to move’  pebu-pebunde ‘attempt to thrash about’  hio kuri’a, no-pongee, Kalamboro, pom-pe’a-pe’arahako come.on try 3 SG -say People.eater TRI - REDP -test mbo’u pebunde again thrash.about ‘well then come on, People-eater, she said, just you try now to get loose’ [Impo] 12 [footnote 2, p. 76] By the nature of things, prefixes belonging to the secondary stem nevertheless always share in two-syllable reduplication. Therefore cases such as mepali-palindo ‘play’, mepole-polele ‘convey news lele to each other’, and mepua-puai ‘expose oneself to the sun’—in which respectively the prefixes pa-, po- and pu- from earlier po- take part in reduplication—belong at home under §§ 109 and 110. 13 [footnote 3, p. 76] On the whole this is not strange, if one considers that in this case it is not the concept itself that is, the concept which is inherent to the stem only, and not the prefixes which is qualified, but rather the entire expression expressed by the stem plus prefix. Certain prefixes, however, are excepted form reduplication, including the prefix mo- po- which marks a transitive verb as having an indefinite object § 221 and elsewhere, the pronominal prefixes ku- ‘I’, u- ‘you sg.’, etc., and the infix -um-. Thus: onae-mo ka i-lako-lako not: …ila-ilako 3 SG . INDEP - PERF and 3 SG - REDP -go ‘then he tried to go’ l[um]ako-lako-o-mo ntu’u not: luma-lumako… PART : REDP -go-3 SG - PERF truly ‘then he tried to go’ Note lumako-lako also means ‘go a bit, go a short distance’. 14 [footnote 4, p. 76] Formally, aiwa ‘come’ is an adjective.  ka i-pe’o-pe-’oso ira kuli-no uho, na-m-i and 3 SG - REDP - ATTEMPT -suck 3 PL shell-3 SG . POS periwinkle NEG - PERF -3 SG hina ihi-no exist content-3 SG . POS ‘he sucked a bit on the shells of the periwinkles, but there was no longer any contents inside’ The meaning ‘attempt to do…’ can be weakened to that of ‘somewhat do that which the verb without reduplication indicates’ compare the use of Malay coba ‘try’. Therefore pebu-pebunde can also mean ‘sprawl a bit, somewhat sprawl’, similarly ai-’aiwa can mean ‘just come’ Malay coba datang, lako-lako ‘just go’ if you dare, melo-melonso ‘jump a little bit’ next to melonso-lonso ‘jump repeatedly’, mele-melempa ‘take a few steps, just try how it goes with walking’ said to a sick person, etc. Compare also:  ba to-po-rako io pe’asa-n-tama-to ndi kita if 1 PLN - TRI -seize CN be.one- LG -male-1 PLN . POS at 1 PLN koa melo-melonta-ako-no just REDP - PART :click.with.tongue- APPL -3 SG ‘when we seize a “fellow-warrior” of ours, we click for that with our tongues’ Thus no sharp border is to be drawn between the forms treated in § 110 and these formations, which also show up in the form of the former, as people also sometimes use in this meaning the more usual pattern for two-syllable reduplication, e.g. pelelu-lelu, pebunde-bunde, ipe’oso-’oso ira, etc. This, however, would appear to be less correct language usage. In the imperative the same forms can also have a mitigating force, thus pele-pelelu koa ‘you must work’ not a command but an exhortation, pongka-pongkaa ‘you must eat’, etc. The forms mentioned here connect up with those derived from adjectives § 116, 15 and have apparently originated out of the need for differentiation. 112. The cases of reduplication described with verbs must not be confused with verbal derivations of nouns which are themselves formed with reduplication, such as memala-mala ‘wear an arm ring mala-mala’, mebonde-bonde punti ‘lay out a small banana patch bonde-bonde punti’, etc. 113. Some derivations of verbs especially the past participle partake both of the nature of the verb as well as that of the noun, which is also reflected in the formation and meaning of reduplication. For example, one can express ‘these shrimps I have caught only with other people’ 16 as:  ura andio h[in]awe-hawe-ku koa a mia shrimp this PASS : REDP -encounter-1 SG . POS just at people alternatively: ura andio hina-hinawe-ku koa a mia shrimp this REDP -encountered.thing-1 SG . POS just at people With -in-forms usually the verbal character predominates, thus one says linou-lou ‘again and again pulled down’ said, for example, of the branches of a coffee bush, as one picks berries from it, keu binansi-bansi ‘wood that is 15 [Postscript, p. 77] What is said here need not conflict with the remarks made at the beginning of this section. 16 [footnote 1, p. 77] The meaning of reduplication here is diminishing, but in a manner which is difficult to render in our language. The intention is roughly this: ‘I went on the shrimp hunt, but alas without results. That’s why I came carrying a portion of shrimp which I got from them’. Thus by reduplication is expressed that the speaker was not successful in his undertaking, and must now content himself with what he has gotten just from others. repeatedly split, wood that is split into small pieces’, sinasa-sasa ‘that which has been hacked more than once, that which has been hacked into little pieces’, etc. Many te- forms are true adjectives; see § 338. REDUPLICATION WITH ADJECTIVES. 114. First one-syllable reduplication shall be treated. In some cases the prefix is reduplicated, in other cases the first syllable of the stem. The meaning [p. 78] of this reduplication is namely plural under which in this case it is to be understood that the concerned adjective is used with a plural word. Only when these forms refer to things e.g. not people can the co-occurring plural marker me- or a plural marker corresponding therewith; see § 224 be omitted, but mostly the usual plural marker still also occurs. So one has, for example:  mengkokodei, next to kodei ‘small’  me’o’ondau, next to ondau ‘long, tall’  memomagasi, next to magasi ‘fast’  memososa’o, next to mosa’o ‘bad’  memosisia, next to mosia ‘brave’  melolangkai, 17 next to langkai ‘big, large’  memolulue, next to molue ‘broad, great of surface area’ Such forms also occur in the following sentences:  mo-molue lere-do REDP -broad dry.field-3 PL . POS ‘their fields are one and all big’  mo-montondu t[in]embi-do REDP -heavy PASS :carry.on.back-3 PL . POS ‘their carry loads are all heavy’  nahi tehine lahi do-po’ia, me’ana-o-mo beine andio NEG long.time exceed 3 PL -live PART :give.birth-3 SG - PERF woman this ho-pulu ira, pada ira me-mopute; mansa-do one-ten 3 PL equal 3 PL PL -white at.once-3 PL . POS me-lo-langkai me-hawe ira-mo mia anu me-mo’ito PL - REDP -big PL -arrive 3 PL - PERF person REL PL -black ira s[um]apoi ira 3 PL . FUT PART :attack 3 PL ‘not very long had they lived there, than this woman delivered ten children, all white; when they were big, black people came to attack them’ 17 [Postscript, p. 77] Apparently lolangkai cannot be said.  ko-hawe-no koa i Kalamboro i-kita ira-mo at-arrive-3 SG . POS just PN People.eater 3 SG -see 3 PL - PERF kusi-no n-te-lo-lompa-o-mo luwu earthen.pitcher-3 SG . POS PL - NON . AG - REDP -make.hole-3 SG - PERF all ‘as soon as People-eater had come, he saw that all his earthen pots had holes’  hawe-no atuu, tekonai-o-mo me-mo-to-taha 18 arrive-3 SG . POS that for.awhile-3 SG - PERF PL - ADJ - REDP -ripe ‘when he had come to the trees, it turned out that they the fruits were ripe’ It must further be remarked that the concerned forms are sometimes encountered with double reduplication, thus memosososa’o ‘one and all bad’, memolululue ‘one and all broad’, memorororawu ‘one and all blind’, etc. in such cases it appears that me- cannot be omitted, likewise mememososa’o, mememororawu, mememomo’ito ‘one and all black, brown’, etc. It must further be remarked that sometimes such forms refer not to a plural word, but rather to one which is singular in its reference. In this case the meaning is to be described not as ‘one by one being what the adjective denotes’, but rather as ‘in various places being what is denoted by the adjective’, and the remarks made in § 256 with regard to the prefixing of a plural marker are applicable. Belonging to this category are forms such as:  mengkokamba ‘beset with swellings, pustules kamba in many places’ in reference to a plurality, this can also mean ‘one and all swollen’  mengkokombo with double reduplication: memengkokombo, said of someone whose body is entirely or in many places bloated kombo

115. Reduplication has a strengthening meaning or a nuance thereof in: