ungkue next to ongkue ‘I’ first person singular pronoun unggoe ‘mouth harp’, Pamona dinggoe
undolia, the name of a tree, Pamona andolia compare § 34 mo’uluako or mo’oluako ‘invite’, stem olu
In the last two examples it is the vowel of the fourth from the last syllable which has become u. Even in stressed syllables u alternates with o a, if a labial precedes or follows. Also in such cases u is
certainly the younger sound. Thus for example in: wute Upper Mori ‘earth, ground, land’, Tinompo wita; mewunso Upper Mori, Tinompo mewinso ‘go inside’, compare Pamona winca ‘throw into or onto something’ next
to wunca ‘stuff, tuck in’. But in kana’umpe, kana’ompe, kana’ampe ‘how?’, the u could be original, as presumably umpe is cognate with umba Watu, Kaili-Pamona languages, Ampana ‘where?’. The a of kana’ampe can be
explained from assimilation.
At the beginning of words sometimes a u originates from a bilabial [w], which is not left preserved. So in cases such as uase ‘axe’ from wase Austronesian wasaj, and probably also in uate, a species of fat, white grub which
lives in the pith of the sago palm and the such, Bisaya uati, although Tombulu wate ṛ has no bilabial w, while the
Pamona say awati which could be formed with the prefix a-. In hoani ‘bee’ and hoalu ‘eight’, the w has changed into o ho see § 77.
k.
49. In general the k is an original sound, such as appears from the following examples: the suffix -ako, Javanese
-ak ĕn; lumako ‘go’, Malay laku;
[p. 38] laki ‘male’, Malay id.; haki ‘sickness’, Malay sakit; aka ‘older brother or
sister’, Malay kakak; baku ’solidified’, Malay b ĕku; kuku ‘nail, hoof’, Malay id.; kuli ‘skin’, Malay kulit; haka
‘root’, Malay akar; raki ‘skin dirt’, Malay daki, etc., etc. Examples of k in onomatopoeia and the such are: kesi ‘the sound made such as when a machete hits a stone; kumokoroido, kumokoro’i’oo Watu ‘crow’ of cocks;
mongkorudu ‘chew on something which makes a cracking sound, such as corn kernels or small bones’, kurrrrr high pitched and with a long rolled r, a call-word for chickens.
A k has been elided or more correctly, replaced by glottal stop in: ede, a name for small boys, also used as a proper name, a shortening of kede, a name for small boys,
literally ‘penis’ aka ‘older brother or sister’, Upper Mori kaka, Malay kakak
ko’ora-’ora Impo, the same as Tinompo kokora-kora ‘continually shout the war cry’ monsara’u ‘catch something under something that is hollow underneath’, specifically ‘catch fish with a
sara’u, a basket which is set down over the fish’, Malay s ĕrĕkup and sĕrĕkap
uau ‘name of a bird’, Malay kuau In ambau perhaps kar- has fallen away, compare Bungku karambau. Alternatively, it could also be formed with the
element a-, see § 293.
50. Examples of the alternation of k and g are:
gire, Upper Mori, Pamona kire ‘eyebrow’ in this case the g is secondary, compare Ibanag kirai mongkiki ‘bite’, Malay gigit here the k is original, compare Tondano ki’ki’, Tontemboan ki’ci’
gadera, alternate pronunciation of kadera ‘chair’, borrowed from Moluccan Malay kadera mokokato ‘itch’, Pamona kata, Malay gatal, Javanese gatĕl
kaluku Watu, Molio’a ‘coconut’, Bugis, etc. id., Javanese glugu gansi ‘top’, Pamona ganci, Bugis, Malay gasing, but Ampana kasi, Sangirese kasing
mongkiwu ‘to fine’, Pamona giwu kose Molongkuni ‘left’, Pamona gose
Only in some cases can one determine whether the g is original or has weakened from k. In okuu ‘a tree, genus Casuarina’, k has originated from g see § 94. An example of the alternation of k and t is Sampalowo kimbasa next
to Tinompo timbasa ‘cotton sash’, worn by the men when dancing the round dance metingke.
ngk.
51. An original ngk is found at the beginning of a few words, including:
ngkundu-ngkundu, used of a knocking sound, e.g. against wood; the formations mompangkundu § 302 and polongkundu § 356 speak for considering the ngk to be original
ngkunde, synonym of ngkundu ngkehu, in ngkehu-ngkehu, ‘keep making a howling sound’ such as a dog which is not allowed inside or
the such ngkuda ‘I also’ see § 156 regarding these pronouns
Concerning the weakening of ngk to ngg, see § 54. Conversely, an ngk has perhaps originated from ngg in ngkiniwia ‘late afternoon, evening’, if this reflects ngkin
ĕwia, from ngginĕwia, stem gĕwi, compare Pamona [p. 39]
owi ‘former’ and rowi ‘deceased’, and Karo Batak r ĕbi, Philippine languages gabi, Sangirese hĕbi ‘night’;
see Adriani 1911:359, Adriani Kruyt 1912b:113. Ultimately not gowi, but rather kowi is to be adopted as the stem of Pamona ngkinowia, apparently in connection with Tontemboan kaawi’i, Tombulu kahawi’i. The derivation
given by Adriani does not appear entirely certain to me. Besides the uncertainty of whether gowi is indeed the stem, and not kowi that is, awi or owi with ka-; in Pamona owi means ‘formerly’, compare Mori indiawi ‘yesterday’,
the prenasalization also presents difficulties. Adriani 1911:359 speaks of a ‘time-indicating article’, but what is to be understood by that? In actuality ngkiniwia means ‘overtaken by night’ Adriani 1911:359. Is there therein a
place for a ‘time-indicating article’? Moreover, in Mori the meaning has not yet shifted to that of an adverb where prenasalization could well be expected; see § 141, rather ngkiniwia is entirely treated as an adjective else
substantive, e.g.:
isua indiawi u-ngkiniwia? where yesterday 2
SG
-overtaken.by.night ‘where were you overtaken by night yesterday? where were you yesterday when night fell?’
da-’iao-po ngkiniwia still-3
SG
-
INCOMP
overtaken.by.night ‘no sooner than it had become evening’
Nevertheless one can indeed say that the word is particularly used as an adverb of time, and thereby explain the prenasalization; compare below, however. Finally Bungku has kindiwia Adriani 1900:260 for ngkindiwia?,
which can also be explained otherwise than has happened elsewhere viz. as originating from kiniwia One could namely consider a prefix ki- followed by prenasalization, and thus come to a stem riwi, which would sooner be
expected in Mori than g ĕwi, as g is seldom the reflex of the R-G-H law see §§ 94 and 98. The prenasalization of
the word can be explained as clipping of the prefix, compare Sangirese mangginowia. This form supports the conjecture, especially in connection with Parigi manggowia, that one has to do with an infix -in-, but contrary to
that the ngg there could very well result from the weakening of ngk, while the strengthening of ngg to ngk is not usual. Also, Makasarese karuweng and Boano koinobuian point to k. Evidently here one has to do with a very old
word, which is difficult to explain because of folk-etymology reinterpretation possibly giving rise to a variety of forms.
g.
52. The g, an infrequent sound in Mori, corresponds in a number of cases to g in related languages, and can
thus be considered as original. Thus for example in ganda ‘drum’, Malay g ĕndang; mogele ‘tickle’, Bugis,
Makasarese id., Malay g ĕli; mogili ‘turn around’, Malay giling; gansi ‘top’, Malay, Bugis gasing, Javanese
gangsingan; gawe ‘feast’, Old Javanese, Ngaju Dayak gawai; maliga ‘fast’, Malay ligat. In onomatopoeia: guguru, gogolo ‘growl of the stomach’ gogolo is also used of the soft sucking sound when one sinks into swampy
ground.
Stem-initial g has been lost in mo’ila ‘wild’, Malay gila. [p. 40]
53. Concerning the word pagi ‘ray’, Upper Mori gawu ‘white mist, vapor’ and tegoo ‘have an eructation,
belch’, where g is the reflex of the R-G-H law, see § 94. In a similar case g became k in okuu ‘a tree, genus C
ASUARINA
’, and
PERHAPS
also in ngkiniwia ‘late afternoon’, see §§ 51 and 94. An example of the alternation of g and r is—besides gawu and rawu § 93
β—rundu ‘thunder’, Pamona gundu, Javanese guntur, or Malay guruh.
An example of the alternation of g with d is mododo ‘fixed, solid’ of sticking, holding on, etc., mogogo ‘protruding’ of the eyes mogogoi is to pull something out from somewhere by sticking in something which on the
return pull brings the contents out with it, compare Pamona jojo and gogo ‘stave in’, gogoli ‘strangle’. An example of the alternation of g with b and d is Bungku ta’i gera, Watu ta’i bera, and Padoe dera ‘semen’. See also § 70
regarding the alternation of j and g.
In borrowed words, g is sometimes the Mori representation of j, e.g.: gagi ‘become, happen, succeed; thus, then’, Bugis jaji
gambata ‘government or regional bridge’, Bugis jambatang or Malay jambatan gali Padoe ‘rattan mat’, Bugis jali’
gampu, the name of a fruit in Malay jambu, Bugis jampu’ gempa ‘metal object for covering the private parts of small girls’, Bugis jempang
ganggo Padoe, Karunsi’e ‘beard’, from Bugis or another language
56
janggo’ in Tinompo danggo
56
[Postscript, p. 40] Compare Makasarese janggo’. For that matter, the Boegineesch Woordenboek Bugis Dictionary Matthes 1874:s.v. also gives janggo’, even if as a Makasarese loanword. It is questionable whether the latter is correct, because
considerable dialectal differences exist in Bugis. It is likely that Makasarese loan words are not to be encountered in Mori. When a word which the Mori have borrowed does
not appear in the Bugis Dictionary, this does not necessarily mean that it has not been borrowed from Bugis. But besides Bugis, the Mori have also borrowed many times from languages closely related to Bugis, especially from Luwu’, which not long ago
could be considered a variety of Bugis, but which Van der Veen 1929:58 ff. distinguishes therefrom, and unites in a separate group with Enrekang, Maiwa and Duri in this last language the word for ‘beard’ likewise has ngg. Also in the second volume
ngg.
54. In many cases in Mori, ngg is not original. Examples of original ngg are especially to be sought in
onomatopoetic and motion words, for example nggangga ‘fly back and forth, come and go irregularly’, said of a swarm of mosquitoes or some other large collection of animals; menggere ‘growl’ of dogs; monggodu-nggodu
‘chattering of the teeth’; nggee-nggee, the name of a musical instrument in Pamona ree-ree. But perhaps even here ngg has sometimes weakened from ngk. This weakening is very usual in Mori, especially in Upper Mori see
Adriani 1900:289–290 and § 26. To be mentioned from Tinompo are among others:
tanggasi or nggasi ‘tarsier’, Pamona tangkasi, Tombulu id., Javanese kancil ‘mouse-deer’, Bimanese kanci ‘trick’, next to which again Pamona and Mori magasi ‘fast’
57
nggodi, appellation for small pigs in Watu nggodi is the name for this animal, from ngkodi, compare Pamona kodi ‘small’. Here the prenasalization is to be explained from vocative use § 24
nggapo Impo, nggapu Tinompo ‘cat’, compare kapo ‘claw’. Possibly one here has to do with a vocative word, or rightly with a word which—as a different word is used for calling cats—renders some impression
on the sight or hearing § 24, because the name derives from the gripping motions with the claws made by this animal
nggio-nggio ‘firefly’, compare mangkilo ‘shining, blinking, glistening’ and the explanation just given for nggapu ‘cat’
nggopie ‘tick’, Padoe kopie. Here the prenasalization is perhaps to be explained from menggopie ‘beset with ticks’, which in turn reflects mengkopie
sampanggae, a unit of measure, from the tip of the index finger to the root of the thumb, from sampa ‘branch’ and kae ‘hand’
[p. 41] monsuki and monsunggi ‘pick’, with jumping prenasalization
mokensa and monggesa ‘crippled, lame’, with jumping prenasalization kape and nggape ‘paralyzed’ adjective
mompekoe, mompenggoe ‘carry something together of two or more persons’ the first especially of large, heavy objects, and usually only of carrying on the shoulders
Examples of a prenasalized g are nggori ‘figures, patterns’ for example on the skin of certain snakes, on sarongs and the such, from the stem gori Adriani 1928:s.v., and probably also monggoli ‘place in a skewed
position’ e.g. a boat, Malay guling, Pamona gulingi ‘steer’, but compare Pamona goli and koli ‘wend, turn’.
p.
55. In general p is original in Mori, and corresponds with p in related languages. Examples of p occurring in
various positions are: pulu ‘ten’, Malay puluh; pada ‘grass, grassy plain’, Malay padang; stem pisi ‘pinch’,
sometimes “Bugis” is mentioned, where it would actually be more correct to say “a Buginese language” or something similar, let alone the possibility that the particular word was not borrowed directly from Bugis, etc. but was borrowed from another language
e.g. Bungku. In the Malili area there live quite a few Tae’ speakers, so that this language also comes into consideration as a source.
57
[footnote 2, p. 40] I hold nggasi to be a shortening of tanggasi. As far as I know, no other explanation for the prenasalization of nggasi is to be given at present.
Tontemboan pi’is; mopute ‘white’, Malay putih; causative prefixes pa- and po-, Austronesian; puru ‘quail’, Malay puyuh; paso ‘wooden peg, nail’, Malay pasak; api ‘fire’, Malay id.
Examples of p in onomatopoetic words are paa-paa ‘crow’, pii-piido dialectally ‘quail’, mepio-pioli ‘peep’ of chickens and mompuuri ‘blow, blow on’.
A p has been lost at the beginning in: ue ‘master, mister, missus, grandfather, grandmother; grandchild in the vocative’, Pamona pue, from the
IN root pu mo’opu ‘pick’, Pamona, Old Javanese pupu, Nias fofo
apa ‘side’ of a house, mountain, etc., Pamona id., Bada papa’, Tontemboan pa’par An example of the alternation of p and t is perhaps found in Tinompo pipisu, Karunsi’e piipiisu, Padoe titisu
‘moustache’
58
A word such as perei ‘free from corvée’ Dutch vrij does not require that Dutch v is replaced by p in borrowed words, because the Mori people have naturally heard the word from someone in whose mouth the v
already sounds like p a native assistant to a government official, for example. Usually f and v are replaced by w in Mori, for example Waransi ‘France’.
mp.
56. One finds original mp for example in: kompo ‘belly’, Mongondow kompong, Javanese k
