Exceptions to the definiteness shift

4 VERBAL INFLECTION 65 c. ae-late-ghi-e I live in it 1sR-live-TR-it The following chart shows the distribution of the definiteness shift over the three verb classes in simple and derived transitive verbs. simple derived with definite object 1. Simple transitive verbs: a- a- ae- a- ao- ao- 2. Derived transitive verbs 1 causatives and factitives: a- ae- a- ae- ae- a- ao- ae- a- 3. Derived transitive verbs 2 locutional causatives: a- ae- ae- ae- ae- ae- ao- ae- ae- 4. Derived transitive verbs 3 Ci-derivations: a- ae- a- ae- ae- ae- ao- ao- ao-

4.6.3. Exceptions to the definiteness shift

There are certain exceptions to the definiteness shift. These can be grouped under the following categories: 1. Intransitive ae-verbs derived from nouns through transposition can be extended by an NP, which is syntactically not a direct object, as it cannot be replaced by a direct object pronominal suffix. The definiteness shift therefore does not take place: 62 a. ne-ndoro she wears a skirt 3sR-skirt b. ne-ndoro handu she wears a towel as a skirt 3sR-skirt towel c. ne-ndoro handu-ku she wears my towel as a skirt 3sR-skirt towel-my 2. It is possible to make a construction with a definite object and yet keep the verb in the ae-class. In such cases, however, there is a meaning difference between the two clauses: with an ae-inflection the object has 66 A GRAMMAR OF THE MUNA LANGUAGE a partitive reading, whereas with an a-inflection a completive meaning is suggested. Compare the following examples: 63 a. ae-fo-ndawu tonde I drop a glassglasses 1sR-CAUS-fall glass b. a-fo-ndawu tonde-ku I drop my glassglasses 1sR-CAUS-fall glass-my c. ae-fo-ndawu tonde-ku I drop one of my glasses 1sR-CAUS-fall glass-my 64 a. a-runsa mie-no lambu-ku I divorce my wife 1sR-divorce person-POS house-my b. ae-runsa mie-no lambu-ku I divorce one of my wives 1sR-divorce person-POS house-my 65 a. a-mbolaku doi-no sabhangka-ku I will steal my friends 1sI-steal money-POS friend-my money b. ae-mbolaku doi-no sabhangka-ku I will steal some of my 1sI-steal money-POS friend-my friends money This opposition only seems to take place with direct objects that have been made definite by nominal modification such as a possessive suffix or another noun. With pronominal suffixes this option is not open: 66 a. a-fo-ndawu-e I have dropped it 1sR-CAUS-fall-it b. ae-fo-ndawu-e 3. The verbs wurawora see and rabu make. Both are ae-verbs, but with definite objects such as modified nouns they regularly do not shift to a- verbs. The reasons for this are still unclear. In spite of the regularity of the definiteness shift and its exceptions, there remain a number of cases in the text material where the shift does take place and the object is not definite, or alternatively, where the shift does not take place while the object is definite. See, for example, Appendix text 3, sentences 1 and 23. These residual problems need further study.

4.7. Minor verb-class changes