Derived transitivity and the definiteness shift

4 VERBAL INFLECTION 63 53 a. ne-ala kapulu he took a machete 3sR-take machete b. no-ala kapulu-no he took his machete 3sR-take machete-his The definiteness shift is triggered because of the possessive suffix -no. When these sentences are negated, the difference between the ae-inflection and the a-inflection becomes even more transparent: 54 a. miina nae-ala kapulu he didnt take a machete not 3sI-take machete b. miina na-[m]ala kapulu-no he didnt take his machete not 3sI-take machete-his Miina not requires an irrealis; in 54a this is shown by the different subject marker nae-, but in 54b the irrealis is marked both by a different subject marker and by the um-form [m]ala, since in 53b and in 54b ala now belongs to the a-class. Another example of the same process is offered by the following pairs of sentences: 55 a. ne-gholi lambu she bought a house 3sR-buy house b. nae-gholi lambu she will buy a house 3sI-buy house 56 a. no-gholi-e she bought it 3sR-buy-it b. na-gh[um]oli-e she will buy it 3sI-buy-it Unlike the realisirrealis distinction, the definiteness shift is not limited to verbs with subject inflection. Imperatives and active participles also undergo this shift see 8.7 and 9.1.1. Nominalizations, however, do not. Constructions in which there is no definiteness marker in the object but the verb still shows the shift for example no-gholi lambu he buysbought athe house do not seem to occur, apart from the cases mentioned in 4.7. This definiteness shift raises some interesting theoretical questions. Based on a large sample of languages, Hopper and Thompson 1980 argue that a definite object correlates with an increase in transitivity. It is striking that in Muna the definiteness shift is a move away from the typically tran- sitive ae-class towards the typically intransitive a-class. Thus Muna seems to be a counterexample to the rule formulated by Hopper and Thompson.

4.6.2. Derived transitivity and the definiteness shift

Certain direct objects of derived transitive verbs behave differently with respect to the definiteness shift than those of simple transitive verbs. This is partly determined by the type of derivation and the basic verb-class membership. Three cases can be distinguished. 64 A GRAMMAR OF THE MUNA LANGUAGE 1. Objects of causative or factitive verbs marked by fo- and feka-. These derived verbs are all ae-verbs, and with definite direct object the definiteness shift is triggered. 57 a. ao-ndawu I fall 1sR-fall b. ae-fo-ndawu piso I drop a knife 1sR-CAUS-fall knife c. a-fo-ndawu-e I drop it 1sR-CAUS-fall-it 58 a. no-bhala it is big 3sR-big b. ne-feka-bhala bhadhu she makes a shirt bigger 3sR-FACT-big shirt c. no-feka-bhala-e she makes it bigger 3sR-FACT-big-it 2. Objects of locutional causative verbs marked by fe-. These derived verbs are all ae-verbs, but definite objects do not trigger the definiteness shift see 8.2.4 and 10.2.4. 59 a. ae-gholi kalei I bought bananas 1sR-buy banana b. ae-fe-gholi kalei I order bananas to be bought 1sR-L.CAUS-buy banana c. ae-fe-gholi-e I order it to be bought 1sR-L.CAUS-buy-it 3. Objects of derived transitive Ci-verbs. When suffixed with this affix, simple a- and ae-verbs change to ae-verbs, but ao-verbs stay in the ao- class. Definite objects only trigger the definiteness shift when the base underived is an a-verb. If the underived verb is an ae-verb, the shift does not take place see also 8.1 and 10.2.16. 60 a. a-ghumu we tehi I dive into the sea 1sR-dive loc sea b. ae-ghumu-ti kunsi I dive for a key 1sR-dive-TR key c. a-ghumu-ti-e I dive for it 1sR-dive-TR-it 61 a. ae-late ne ini I live here 1sR-live loc this b. ae-late-ghi lambu aini I live in this house 1sR-live-TR house this 4 VERBAL INFLECTION 65 c. ae-late-ghi-e I live in it 1sR-live-TR-it The following chart shows the distribution of the definiteness shift over the three verb classes in simple and derived transitive verbs. simple derived with definite object 1. Simple transitive verbs: a- a- ae- a- ao- ao- 2. Derived transitive verbs 1 causatives and factitives: a- ae- a- ae- ae- a- ao- ae- a- 3. Derived transitive verbs 2 locutional causatives: a- ae- ae- ae- ae- ae- ao- ae- ae- 4. Derived transitive verbs 3 Ci-derivations: a- ae- a- ae- ae- ae- ao- ao- ao-

4.6.3. Exceptions to the definiteness shift